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SPEECH 

OF 

EUWAflD STANLY, OF N. CAROLINA, 

fit ^ ' 

EXPOSING THE CAUSES OF THE SLAVERY AGITATION. 



Delivered in the House of Rtpresentativcs, March 6, 186tl. 



This hour rule, Mr. Chairman, compels us to 
economize time very closely, and consolidate ideas 
as much as possible. I will try and do go, that I 
may not write out any thing more than I shall 
say. 

I wish to say a few plain thing-s in a plain way. 
I wish to say a little fur Buncombe— not onl}' the 
western but the eastern Buncombe, which I repre- 
sent;, and, if honorable gentlemen arc not desirous 
to hear this, I advise them to take themselves, on 
this ramy day, to a more comfortable place than 
this. I intend most of what I say for my constitu- 
ents. I have not .spoken before, because I thought 
when matters of such vast magnitude were in- 
volved, we ought to wait and hear what the people 
at home have to say of them. Now, I feel prepared 
not merely to express my own opinions, but those 
also of m}^ honest constituents. I hope to say no- 
thing offensive to any gentleman. Certainly, I 
have no such desire. I shall most carefully avoid 
to strike the first blow. If I am assailed, I must 
take care of myself in the best way I may. And 
now to come right at it. 

I have heard a great deal said here, and read 
much recently, of "encroachment on the South — 
aggressions on the South;" and, though I know we 
have cause in some respects to complain of the con- 
duct of a portion of our northern people, I cannot 
include the whole North in the just censure due to 
the conduct of the aggressors. I have attentively 
watched the debate here and in the Senate. I have 
looked at the party newspapers of the clay, and I 
have been brought to the settled belief, yea con- 
viction, that much of the hue and cry is caused by 
a malignant wish to embarrass the Administra- 
tion, and to build up the party whom the people 
hurle<l from power in November, 1848. Many of 
the speeches here, relative to the admission of Cali- 
fornia, are marked by unkind allusion to the Presi- 
dent, and sometimes improper and furious, though 
feeble, aspersions as to his motives. 

It seemed to me that if gentlemen, from the South 
especially, believed our peculiar institutions were 
in danger, they would desire to produce harmony 
of feeling, to speak calmly as to brethren in the midst 
of a common danger; that they would try and pro- 
duce united action. But instead of manifesting 
such a disposition, the Administration is ruthlessly 
assailed, and the Whig party fiercely denounced. 
For examples of these party speeches, I refer to 
that of the gentleman from Mississippi, (Mr. 
Brows,) and of the gentleman from Maryland, 
(Mr. McLanb.) who <*n this matter made a party 
speech, and tried, as he did before the House was 
organized, to blow his boatswain's whistle and pipe 
all hands on his side to duty. There were other 
speeches of a like character. I want to show this 
agitation, this attempt to excite alarm, is now, as 
it w£is last summer in the southern States, for party 
purposes. 1 believe I can show it. 

In 1837, when Mr. Van Buren was President, an 
abolition petition, presented by a gentleman from 
Vermont, I think, produced a great tumult here. 
A southern xiiceting was held in a committee- room 
down stairs. Patton's resolution, which rejected 
abolition petitions, was the fruit of that meeting. 
Presenting this petition was one of Mr. Calhoun's 



^'encroachments." Mr. Van Buren's friends found 
it necessary to sustain him, as a "northern maa 
with southern principles," and then he made this 
abolition excitement the platform for his election 
to the Presidency. In vain diil the Whigs at that 
time warn the southern country he would be a 
traitor; that his past life had shown he was unsound 
upon the question of slavery. No matter what 
should be the consequence to the South, his game 
was to be played. In 1S38, when Mr. Woodbury 
wasinVan Buren'scabinet, and was engaged in that 
interesting correspondence to his sub-treasurers, 
Mr. Alherton, of New Hampshire, who was called 
tlie prince of humbuofs, introduced his wooden 
nutmeg, doughfaced, cTiivalry resolutions; a caucus 
was held in whicl; southern Van Buren Democrats 
sat side bj' side with the worst anti- slavery men; from 
which secret caucus all the southern Whigs were 
excluded; and these resolutions, then denounced as 
Janus-faced and double-meaning, %\cre the hybrid 
offspring of that caucus. These resolutions were 
to quiet agitation. 1 denounced them, and refused 
to vote for them, and I was sustained at home. 
They were also denounced, if I mistake not, by 
other southern gentlemen, as betraying the South. 

[A late article in the Republic, in this city, ex- 
poses the Atherton caucus, by giving a true account 
of their origin.] 

When General Harrison was nominated, he was 
denounced as an Abolitionist. Mr. Clay was an 
Abolitionist; and Mr. Van Buren's doughfaces were 
the friends and "allies of the South." I hope the 
race of doughfaces is extinct. They were a miser- 
able set of beings, — mere puppets of Van Buren,— »■ 
anti-slavery men at home, allies of the South here. 
Now and then, one is alive, mourning for the lost 
spoils, and editing- a paper that tries to alarm the 
South by the old song, of 1838, "The Whigs are 
Abolitionists. Once we were told, there are no 
Democratic Abolitionists at the North. Now how 
changed! Even in the Senate, a member of that 
body (Mr. Clemens, of Alabama, a Democrat, o« 
the 17th January, 1S50) said: 

"I said the people of the South had been hereto- 
' fore laboring under the delusion that the northern 
' Democrats were their friends. I said it was a delu- 
' sion, and I was glad to have an opportunity of ex- 
' plaining it to them. God deliver me from such 
'friends as the northern Democrats! I Kould rather 
' trust northern liliigstoday. They commenced the 
' game earlier, and have not to go so far to^et in a 
' proper position. Look at the resolutions of Demo- 
' cratic legislatures and the messages of Democratic 
' governors, and the resolutions adopted by Demo- 
' cratic conventions, and then tell me about north- 
• ern Democrats being the friends of the South." 

Mr. Calhol-n, too, thinks all the northern people 
are "more or less hostile to us." Sir, I will not 
admit that either of the great parties of the North, 
as such, are hostile to the. South. Some members 
of each are hostile — are fanatical — but the great 
body of both parties at the North, I cannot believe, 
are traitors to the Constitution and the Union. And, 
sir, it affords uic pleasure to say, that when I hear 
bold and manly speeches, such as those made by 
the gentlemen from Illinois (Mr. Bissell) and 
from Indiana (Mr. Fitch,) I honor their intre- 



pidity— I feel that the Union is safe. The time has 
passed I hope when I can be unjust to a patriot, be- 
cause he differs with me in political opinions. My 
intercourse with members of the Democratic party 
in my own State Legislature removed many pre- 
judices — my intercourse with g-entlemen of that 
party here has proved that many of them are true 
to the Union; and upon such questions as those now 
under discussion here, I shall be proud to be allow- 
ed to tender them the right hand of fellowship, and 
to acknowledge them as worthy laborers in a com- 
mon cause. But I speak not here of the dough- 
faces — the men who, for party purposes, agitato 
the country, that they may win the spoils of office. 
I had rather meet Abolitionists here than such 
men — if they can be called so. 

No ; I would say, with a slight alteration of one 
of Canning's verses : 
"Give me the avowed, erect, and manly foe; 

Open, I can meet, perhaps may turn his blow; 

But of all the plagues, great Heaven, thy wrath 
can send. 

Save, oh save me from a doughface friend !" 

But, sir, to pursue my argument. In proof of 
the charge I make, that there is a desire to produce 
aeitation for party purposes, I beg attention to a 
short extract from the " Union" newspaper (Demo- 
cratic) of tliis city. I call the attention of my hon- 
est Democratic colleagues to this. In the " Union" 
of February 14, 1860, I find the following: 

"The .southern Whigs have pboved them- 
selves TO BE THE WORST ENEMIES OF THE SOUTII 
AND OF SOUTHERN INSTITUTIONS. BuT THE PRESENT 
IS NO TIME FOR CRIMINATION AND RECRIJIINATION. 
Let THE PATRIOTS OF ALL PARTIES," &€., &C. 

"No time for crimination?" Then why deal 
in it.'' " Patriots of all parties!" But as the ?)or</i- 
ern Whigs are ceaselessly denounced as Abolition- 
ists, and the foutlitrn Whigs "enemies of the South," 
who are the " all parties?" Those, I suppose, who 
vote for the " regular nominees of the Democratic 
party!" 

My Democratic colleagues, I knovv', cannot jus- 
tify such conduct. I will not descend to crimina- 
tion; but what an argument! If the whole North 
are hostile to the South, and if the southern Whigs 
are " the worst enemies of the South and southern 
institutions," what are to become of those southern 
States in which the Whigs have the majority ? 

Besides this extract, just quoted, there are others 
of like character — one of which was read to us yes- 
terday, by the gentleman from Florida, (Mr. Ca- 
bell.) 

In the Union of February 2S, 1850, in the lead- 
ing editorial article, we are told: "The alliance 
' of northern Abolition-Federalists, and southern 

* slaveholding Whigs, has attempted to prostrate 
' the Democratic party of the North, who stood for 
' half a century hrmly by the compromises of the 
' Constitution, which protected southern institu- 
' tions, and it has succeeded in compelling the 

• northern Democracy to modify its position in 

' RELATION to the INSTITUTIONS AND INTERESTS 

' OF THE South." 

No "time for crimination!" And the northern 
Democracy has "modified its position." How? By 
alliance with the Abolitionists? There are other 
charges of like character in this and other papers, 
which I have no time to read. 

Sir, is this no proof of the design to aeritate for 
party effect' It proves that now, as in 1838, it is, 
what my colleague from the Buncombe district 
called it, "a game." In his speech, in 1844, my 
colleague, (IVfr. Clingman,) as reported in the 
Appendix to the Congressional Globe, 2Sth Con- 
gress, 1st session, referred to the "fact that, al- 
' though there was near eighty Democratic mem- 
' bers from the free States in the House of Repre- 
' sentatives, only thirteen, ' with all possible coax- 
' ing,' voted for the rule. How is it with the south- 
' em wing of the party? Its members make most 



' vehement speeches in favor of the rule; declare 
' that the Union will be dissolved if it is abolished; 
' and charge as high treason all opposition to it. 
• They are especially vehement in their denuncia- 
' tion of me, and desire to make the impression 
' that its loss, if it should be rejected, is mainly to 
' be attributed to my speech against it." 

****** 

"The game which they have been playing off is 
' seen through by everybody here, and it is getting 
' to be understood in the country." 

.lust as the game which the Bobadils are playing 
off now is understood, and I adopt the language of 
my colleague in what follows: I think it was true 
of the party to whom it was applied then, in 1844, 
and especially true now, of those of the South who 
wish disorder should reign, and of the one-idea 
fanatical Wilmot proviso men of the North. Hear 
these words: "The game which they have been 
' playing off' is seen throu"-h by everybody here, 
' and it is getting to be understood in the country. 
' There was a time when gentlemen, by giving 
' themselves airs and talking largely of southern 
' rights in connexion with this subject, were able 
' to give themselves consequence at home. But 
' that day has passed. Its mock tragedy has de- 
' generated into downright farce, and nobody will 
' be humbugged much longer in this way. But 
' the matter is important in one respect. Nothing 
' could more fully show the utter profligacy of the 
' party, its total want of all principle, than the 
' course of its northern and southern wings on this 
' question. They hope, however, by thus spreadi- 
' ing their nets, to drag in votes in both sections of 
' the Union, and thereby get into power." 

Yes, sir, there's the true secret of this agitation: 
"get into power" — "to the victors belong the 
spoils" — adhere to Democratic nominations, even 
for doorkeeper, or the Granite doughfaces will let 
the Union be dissolved. 

I concur in what my colleague said of this agita- 
tion in 1844, and especially in a note to his speech, in 
which he says, that "a certain prominent southern 
' politician, seeing that his course had rendered 
' him unpopular generally, seized upon this ques- 
' tion to create excitement between the North and 
' the South, and unite the South thereby into a po- 
' litical party, of which he expected to be the head. 
' There are also individuals at the North, who, 
' though professing opposition to the rule, are, in 
' my opinion, really desirous of its continuance, 
' as a means of producing agitation in that quar- 
' ter. A portion of them entertain the hope that 
' the excitement there may attain a sufficient height 
' to enable them successfully to invade the institu- 
' tions of the South; but the larger number are sim- 
' ply seeking to produce a strong prejudice in the 
' popular mind in the free States against southern 
' institutions and men, on which to base a political 
' party strong enough to control the offices of the 
' country." 

Now, sir, I think a certain prominent southern po- 
litician is playing the same game, and the one- idea 
Wilmot proviso men are stiU trying to control the 
offices of the country. Some want to get to Con- 
gress, or to stay there, or to be placed at the head 
of some important committee, by voting for the 
"favorite candidate" of the party. 

It was a " game" when my colleague referred to 
it; it is a " game" now. I fear my colleague does 
not remember this speech. 

Mr. Clingman said, yes. 

Mr. Stanly. Well, sir, I will print the extract 
from the speech of 1844, and let it go to Buncombe 
with the late speech of my colleague. 

Yes, sir, " the game" is still to be played, and 
now the "refusal to surrender fug-i five slaves" is 
another northern aggression complained of. I ad- 
mit the northern States have acted badly in this in- 
stance. Both parties have played the game too far, 
of trying to get abolition votes. I cannot see how 



any man who has sworn to support the Constitution 
can refuse to pass any law that may be deemed 
necessary. Tlic conduct of the northern States in 
this respect is admitted by some of their own citi- 
zens to be without excuse. No one condemns it more 
decidedly thanl do, and I believe, from all I have 
heard, this abuse will be remedied. 

But still, the noise made about this is part of the 
"game," part of the "party operations." One 
would suppose from speeches made here, that no 
slaves hacl escaped from the South until Cass's 
defeat. 

Hut to the recent history of this. In 183S, shortly 
after the At.herton resolutions were passed, a 
worthy gentleman from Kentucky, then a member 
of this House, introduced a resolution I hold in my 
hand, which I will print — 

"Mr. Calhoon, of Kentucky, moved that the 
rules in relation to the order o'f business be sus- 
pended, to enable him to move a resolution; which 
■was read at the clerk's table, and is in the words 
following, viz: 

"Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary 
be instructed to report a bill making it unlawful 
for any person to aid fugitive slaves in escaping 
from their owners, and providing for the punish- 
ment in the courts of tlie United States of all per- 
sons who may bo guilty of such oflence. 

"And that theybe further instructed to report a 
bill making it unlawful for any person in the non- 
glaveholding States of this Union to use any means 
to induce slaves from their owners, and providing 
for the punishment, in the courts of the United 
States, of all persons who may be found guilty of 
such offence. 

"And on the question — Shall the rules be sus- 
.pended for the purpose aforesaid.'' 

"It passed in the negative— yeas 90, nays 107." 

Among- the nays were Mr. Atherton and fifty- 
four other northern "allies of the South." 

Now, sir, is it not singxdar, that from that period 
down to the present, as far as my knowledge extends, 
710 effort luis beenmade, until General Taylor's elec- 
tion, to demand additional legislation upon this sub- 
ject? 

If any such effort has been made, I do not know it. 
Were there no fugitive slaves since 1838? Well, 
Mr. Van Buren was President three years after 
that, and no bill passed for fugitive sla\es. In the 
twenty-fifth Congress, from 1837 to 1839, Mr. Polk 
was Speaker. From 1S39 to 1841, twenty-sixth Con- 
gress, Mr. Hunter, of Vii-ginia, was Speaker — Dem- 
ocratic majority here, and no bill for fugitive 
slaves ! 

Tyler was PresidcntfromApril,'41, to March, 1845. 
During the first year of Tyler's term, Mr. White, 
of Kentucky, was Speaker; and from 1843 to 1845, 
Mr. Jones, of Virginia, was Speaker, and a Demo- 
cratic majority here, with a Virginia President, 
and no bill for reclaiming fugitive slaves ! ! Then, 
from March, 1645, to Marcli, 1349, Mr Polk, a 
southern President, and during two years Mr. 
Davis, of Indiana, Democratic Speaker, and still 
no bill for the reclamation of fugitive slaves!! 
Nothing said by Virginia members even, from 1838 
till now ! 

Mr. Venable. Will my honorable colleague 
allow me to remind him that before the presidential 
.canvass, at the first session of the last Congress, on 
the abduction of a number of slaves from this Dis- 
trict, I raised that question and delivered a speech 
upon that subject? 

Mr. Stanly. My colleague may have raised the 
question at that time, but there was no legislative 
action in this House on that subject; nor any at- 
tempt to procure any, that I know of. And my 
colleague raised the question, when there was great 
excitement here, on account of one act of outrage. 
He did not still try to procure action on the part 
of Congress to enable the southern people to re- 
•covcr their slaves. 



Mr. Bayly. Will the gentleman allow me to put 
him right on a matter of fact? 

Mr. Stanly. If not out of my time. 

Mr. Bayly understood the gentleman to say that, 
from 1833, the time of Atherton's resolution, to 
this time, nothing has been said by Virginia mem- 
bers on the subject of the surrender of fugitive 
slaves. 

Mr. Stanly. Nothingfor the action of Congress. 

Mr. Bayly. AVoll, the subject was before the 
Legislature of Virginia in 1841 and 184'2; and it 
was never brought before this House, because we 
came to the conclusion that the law of 1793 was as 
nearly perfect as it could be, and that it only re- 
quired that it should be executed in good faith. 

Mr. Stanly. Yes, sir, and you changed your 
opinion of that law as soon as General Taylor was 
elected President. And I would ask, why legislate 
further, if that law is sufficient? We cannot create 
"good faith" by act of Congres.'^. I admit, Mr. 
Chairman, that Virginia is still a great and glori- 
ous Commonwealth. She has much to he proud of 
in the past history of this country. She needs no 
eulogy from me; and, though I must censure, and 
shall ridicule the conduct of some of her public 
men, I shall speak respectfully of the State. Many 
of my dearest friends and nearest relatives reside 
within her borders, and they have, I believe, done 
no discredit to her, in peace or in war. But, sir, 
the Old Dominion is too much in the habit of taking 
care of the affairs of the General Government, and 
the debates in her Legislature are not as important 
in the eyes of the country as they are to the Chair- 
man of Ways and Means, (Mr. Bayly.) And I 
should be g-lad to know why, if the representatives 
from Virgiiiia thought the law of 1793 sufiicient, 
did the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Meadb.) 
introduce his resolution soon alter General Taylor's 
election, proposing to instruct the Committee on 
the Judiciary to report a bill providing for the ap- 
prehension of fugitive slaves? 

So I repeat, from 183S to 1848, until December, 
1848, when the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. 
Meade) offered his resolution, all the southern 
Democracy, now crying out at this dreadful ag- 
gression, never moved a finger to procure any law 
relative to fugitive slaves! "No, sir; they were "as 
mute as a mouse in a cheese." Yes, sir, as a first 
family Virginia mouse in an English cheese. The 
reason was, as my colleague (Mr. Venaule) said 
in some poor verses quoted by him in his speech — 

"The laurels were fairly portioned, 
The spoils were fairly sold." 

Mr. Venable. The "Za?i(/s," I said. 

Mr. Stanly. I accept the correction: it was 
printed "laurels," but my colleague is right; the 
southern Democracy, whatever of "spoils" they 
got, won no "laurels" during the last ten years 
with their northern allies. 

No, sir, the truth is, Cass was a "used up man," 
Taylor was elected; the "spoils" were gone; the 
cohesive power was lost. 

Truly, as Job said, "Doth the wild ass bi-ay when 
he hath grass: or lowcth the ox over his fodder?" 

I have watched the progress of the debate in the 
Senate, and from the published speeches in the 
newspapers, I see a respectable Senator from Vir- 
ginia (Mr. Mason) said he wanted the bill acted 
on "as soon as practicable," but had "little hope 
it would alford the remedy it is intended to afford;" 
"it depends upon the loyalty of the people to whom 
it is directed." 

Another Senator (from South Carolina — Mr. But- 
ler) said "he had no very great confidence that 
' this bill will subserve the ends whicb seem to be 
' contemplated by it." Vt'hy then, I ask, so zeal- 
ously urge the passage of it? One of these Senators 
(Mr. Mason) also intimated that it might become 
necessary, for the States whose citizens lost negroes, 
"to make reprisals on the citizens of the State of- 



fending-!" Now this, it seems to me, would be but 
a poor way of doing justice to our citizens. If one 
rogue in Oliio or Pennsylvania steals a negjro, we 
are to take the wagon-horse of some honest old 
farmer, who lived hundreds of miles from the thief ! 
Will not this produce civil war? Will it enable us 
to recoTer fugitive slaves? 

Now, air, I think I have proved that this new- 
born zeal for legislation to enable us to recover 
fugitive slaves is all owing to the defeat of General 
Cass. 

Well, sir, among other reasons given why wc 
should think of dissolution, is the fact that the south- 
ern States are annoyed by the " agitation of Aboli- 
tionists." The southern address says, I think, it 
commenced about the year 1835. It commenced, 
sir, before the year 1737. The Quakers have for 
more than a hundred years been opposed to sla- 
very. In 1671, Gc!Orgo Fox advocated emancipa- 
tion. But the aggreesive agitation consisted in 
sending abolition petitions. And I remember well, 
before the repeal of the "t(.venty-first rule," southern 
gentlemen said if that rule sliould be repealed, and 
these petitions received, the Union would be dis- 
solved. My colleague (Mr. Clikgman) had the 
boldness to vote against the twenty- first rule. I 
commend him for it. But he was denounced by 
various southern gentlemen — by Mr. A. V. Brown, 
afterwards governor of Tennessee; Mr. Cobb, of 
Georgia, oui- Speaker; Mr. Stiles, of Georgia, and 
by Mr. 11. M. Sau-nders, of North Carolina. Some 
extracts of their speeches arc before mc, and I will 
print them, to show them how much mistaken they 
were. Mr. BaowN,of Tennessee, wasarguingagainst 
making the petitions " the subject of reference, re- 

Eort, and debate in this hall." " Our safety," said 
e, "depends upon it." He begged the "real 
friends" of the South, if they could not altogether 
exclude those petitions, not to refer them tor de- 
bate, &c. And he added : 

"The South will hold no man guiltless who shall 
' go one inch beyond the right of petition. He must 
' answer for every fire that may be kindled, and 
' for every drop of blood that may be shed. Yes, 
'sir, I will say to the gentlemen from Nev/ York 

• and from North Carolina, (Mr. Clingman,) if 

• this House shall go one inch beyond that, they 
' may have to stand answerable tor the shattered 
' and broken fragments of the Union itself." — [See 
Append. Cong. Globe, '2Sth Congress, 1st Session.] 

Mr. Cobb, of Georgia, after complimenting the 
northern Democracy for their devotion to the inter- 
ests of the South, for their "sincere friendship," 
referred to the fact that some of the northern De- 
mocracy were abandoning the rule, on account of 
the opposition of some few southern membcra to it; 
and he said : 

"Thus it is that the defection of our northern 
' friends is attributable to our own divisions. Let the 
' fact then be published to the country, that the 
' responsibility of this measure may rest upon those 

• who justly deserve it, upon whom an indignant 

• and outragfed people may place the seal of their 
' condemnation. I trust, however, that no such 
' division will be found to exist; no southern Demo- 

• crat, I am sure, will abandon his post; and but few, 
' if any, of the southern Whigs will be found fol- 
' lowing in the wake of the gentleman from North 
' Caroluia." — [Appen. Cong. Globe, iSth Cong., 
let Session.] 

I have an extract before me from the speech of 
Mr. Stile.s, of Georgia, which I will print. Mr. 
Stiles spoke under excitement, and very wildly. 

Extract from the speech of Mr. Stiles, of Geor- 
gia, House of Representatives, Januaiy 28 and 30, 
1844, on the twenty-fifth rule relating to abolition 
petitions. In replying to the remarks of Mr. 
Clingmak — Appendix to Congressional Globe, 2Sth 
Congress, Istsession, page 262 — hespokeof the Con- 
stitution as a citadel, a fortress; and this rule was 
"a barrier," and he said: 



"Whilst that remains, the fortress stands; when 
' it is gone, the fortress falls. That barrier can be 

• removed only by some one within. The fortress 
' can be taken, the citadel lost, only by treachery in 
' the camp. I will pursue the simile no farther. But 
' let me tell the member from North Carolina, that 
' if this rule is lost from the relation in which he 
' stands to, and thepart which he has borne, in this 

• transaction, he may go home to his constituents 
' and to his grave covered with the unen\iable im- 

• mortality of having betrayed the interests of the 
' South, in having surrendered the Constitution of 
' his country." 

Mr. Saunders, of North Carolina, thought with 
others whose remarks 1 have just quoted: 

Mr. R. M. Saunders, arguing against the argu- 
ment that to receive petitions would silence the 
"clamor about the right of petition," said: "They 
' might as soon expect to extingfuish the conflagra- 
' tion by adding- fuel to the flames. I repeat, then, 
' there is but one alternative — rejection without ac- 
' tion, or reception and action. There is no mid- 
' die ground can satisfy those who are resolved to> 
' press this matter, whatever its consequences." — 
[Appendix to Cong. Globe, 2Sth Cong., 1st Session — 
January, 1844, page 85.] 

How much mistaken! Since the repeal of the 
rule, how seldom we see an abolition petition! 

Mr. Saunders appeared to have been sincerely 
distressed. He appealed to the doughfaces in ani 
extract before me : 

"Mr. Saunders said : I ask the gentlemen from 
' Maine if there be any here, who have hitherto 
' stoiid by us, why they should now give way? I 
' turn to our friends from Connecticut, and ask 
' them why they should yield? If 1 appeal in vain,. 
' I turn to tiiose by whom I know the appeal will 
' be answered — to patriotic New Hampshire, whose 
' sons, like her granite basis, have hitherto breast- 
' ed the storm; they, I know, will not give way. 
' So I call upon our friends from the Keystone State 
' not to surrender because a single soldier in the 
' South has deserted us on this trying occasion." — 
[Sec Appendix Cong. Globe, 2Sth Congress, 1st ses- 
sion.] 

How mvich mistaken, I say again, these gentle- 
men were ! Mr. Clay always argued — receive 
these petitions, and much of this clamor will cease. 
The result shows he was right. When I had the 
honor of being in Congress in 1839, while the twen- 
ty-first rule was in force, I do not think I exagge- 
rate when I say, that during the period of three or 
four months, v»e had what were called abolition pe- 
titions presented here, signed by more than one 
hundred thousand men and women. Like the 
camomile flower, "the more it is trodden upon, the 
faster it grows," this right of petition when denied 
was most earnestly asserted. How stands the fact 
now? We have been here more than three months,, 
and not one single abolition petition has been pre- 
sented! Hence the Union will not be dissolved be- 
cause of this agg-ression. This aggression has 
ceased. No, sir, there is no danger to this Union 
from any such cause. In this happy land, our 
people will occasionally be guilty of some extrava- 
gant conduct. We have a numerous population, 
w1k> are not always employed. 

What was said by one of England's great poets 
of her people, can with truth be said of ours— 

"Whose only grievance is excess of ease, 
Freedom their'pain, and plenty their disease." 

When they cannot war against the twenty-first 
ride, they will form peace societies. Noble motives 
prompt them in this. These agitators, comprising 
a small portion of our northern people, not only 
seek distinction by their noisy opposition to slavery, 
but they contend among other thing.s for what they 
term "the rights of women." 1 do not know what 
are the rights they claim; whether they think wo- 



5 



men should vote,, shouUi come to Congress, &c.; 
■but if they five to the New Eng-Jand women more 
rights tl)an those our North Carolina women have, 
they will not have a republican g-ovornment. 

Some of these agitators do not believe any judge 
has a right to administer an oath. They do not 
acknowledge the authority of any magistrate. Such 
people deserve our pity or contempt. They ought 
not to be reasonea with. Denunciation, like the 
storm upon the traveller, but makes them fold the 
cloak of prejudice closely around them, and go on 
with more energ)'. Forbearance towards tlir-ir fol- 
lies — as it did with their right of petition — like the 
influence of the sun, will drive them to the shades 
of retirement. 

But complaint is made an'ainst the North because 
they will not stop the agitation and aggression of 
these fanatics. How can they stop them.'' New 
York cannot quiet the disturbances of her Anti- 
'.renters. A mob in tlie city of New York last year, 
because of sonic misunderstanding between two 
actors, nearly destroyed a valuable building, and 
caused the death of several persons Mas^sachu- 
aetts, some years ago, could not in her peaceful 
borders prevent the destruction of a convent. 
Dorrism nearly produced civil war in Rhode Island. 
Philadelphia has had a church destroyed, and an 
abolition hall burnt down by her staid popuhUion. 

If these terrible outbreaks cannot be prevented, 
how can the northern people suppress fanaticism ? 
And yet we are told by gentlemen, the Union will 
be dissolved unless this agitation ceases. 

Who can reason with fanaticism ? 

'' You may as well sro stand upon the beach. 
And bid the main flood bate his usual height ; 
You may as well use question with the wolf. 
Why he hath made the ewe bleat for the lamb; 
You may as well forbid the mountain pines 
To wag their high tops and to make no noise. 
When they are fretted with the gusts of Heaven" — 

as try and suppress fanaticism by reason or by 
law. 

We give more importance to these agitators than 
they d<. serve, by supposing that all who are opposed 
to slavery are disposed to interfere with slavery in 
the States. It is a great mistake. Our Quakers, 
in North Carolina and elsewhere, arc all opposed to 
slavery. In 1S24, I think, Mr. R. M. Saunders 

E resented one of their petitions here. The Qua- 
ere, in all countries, are among our best popula- 
tion. Th<"y are industrious, .'^ober, orderly. They 
try and do unto others as they vvish others lo do 
unto them. Hut they are no agitators. It is a part 
of their religion to oppose slavery. Every year 
they express, in mild terms, their opposition to it. 
I received, from my district, a few day's since, a 
paper before me, from one of the besi men I ever 
knew — a Quaker. It is entitled "Minutes of the 
' North Carolina yearly meeting, held at New 
' Garden, Guilford county, 11th month, 1849." 
They send a memorial to the Senate and House of 
Representatives, in which they say — 

"Your memorialists furtiier show, that they be- 
' lieve themselves conscientiously constrained to 
' bear their testimony against the unrighteous sys- 
' tern of slavery. Many of them have made pecu- 
' niary sacrifices to obtain a quiet conscience; 
' and they respectfully ask Congress to take the 
' subject under deliberation, and legislate for its 
' amelioration or extinction as far as they constitu 
« tionally can. For we believe it to be anti-chris- 
' tian in practice, inasmur^h as it is at variance 
' with the divine precept of 'doing to others as we 
* would they sliould do to us.' We btdicvo it to be 
' anti-n publican, because it does not accord with 
' the decl.i ration of Amoriian indepindcucc — with 
if that self-evident truth, that all men are created 
' equal, and endowed by th'-ir Creator v.ith certain 
' inalienable rights; t^iat among tliese arc life, lib- 
' erty, and the pursuit of happiness. 



"And we suggest, for your consideration, the 
' propriety of our government acknowledging the 
'independence and nationality of the Republic of 
' Liberia, and extending to her the same comity as 
' other nations. 

" Your memorialists and petitioners desire that 
' you may be guided and influenced in your legia- 
' lation by that wisdom which is profitable to di- 
' rect — which is first pure, then peaceable, gentle, 
' and easy to be entreated." 

Now, these men are among our best citizens; 
some of them were slaveholders. I know one who 
emancipated fifty slaves. It would be a moderate 
estimate to say he sacrificed to his conscience twen- 
ty-five thousand dollars. Yet these people would 
be the last to encourage violence. These men would 
not fight; but in the hour of trial I believe many of 
them would do as one did in Rhode Island in the 
Dorr rebellion. He found a soldier at his post ex- 
hausted by fatigue and wafit of food. "Friend," 
he said, "I cannot use arms; but I will take c«.re of 
thy musket until thou hast refreshment." Ask 
these men what has been the etfoct of the agitation 
of Abolitionists, and they will tell you it haaclieckcd 
emancipation. I contend that it is wrong- to sup- 
pose that the great body of our northern people, 
who believe slavery to be an evil, as our Quakers 
do, are therefore disposed to interfere with the 
southern States, or are "enemies of the South!" 

But, to another "aggression on the South." In 
1843, Massachusetts passed resolutions recommend- 
ing a change in the Constitution of the United 
States. The recommendation was, that the third 
clause of the second section of the first article of the 
Constitution should be so changed as to abolish the 
representation of the southern States for their slaves. 
This propKJsition was denounced as tending to dis- 
union. A gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Gil- 
mer,) and one from South Carolina, (Mr. Burt,) 
said of it, "a proposition precisely similar to that 
' now under consideration was made by the notori- 
' ous Hartford convention." I think when that 
amendment is made others will be made, and dis- 
union will be the inevitable consequence. 

But though the Legislature of Massachusetts did 
wrong in this instance, it does not follow that while 
our present Constitution stands, Aic would inter- 
fere with slavery in the southern Slates. If it 
evinces a disposition to interfere, it admits also the 
want of power under the Constitution. Our State 
Legislatures sometimes do silly things. They ro- 
solve one year against the resolvee of the year be- 
fore. But I wish to call the attention of my col- 
league, (Mr. Clingman,) who no doubt regards 
these Massachusetts resolutions as an "aggression," 
to some proceedings of the last Legislature of our 
State. We had before us, in the winter of 1848-'49, 
a proposition to amend our State constitution. In. 
the gubernatorial canvass of '48, an issue unwisely 
was made, upon the propriety of striking out from 
our State con.-ititution, a provision which required 
that all voters for the Senate shall own fifty acres of 
land. The Democrats raised the cry of "free suf- 
frage." The Whig candidate — a most estimable 
gentleman — was understood to oppose free suffrage; 
as might have been expected, the Democrats near- 
ly elected their candidate in a State that gave Tay- 
lor more than eight thousand majority over Cass. 
But vvljen the proposition was brought forward to 
amend our constitution, some of the members from 
my colleague's (Mr. Clingman's) district were 
earnest in advoiatin"- the "white basis." They 

Erobably remcmberca what my colleague said ia 
is .speech in December, 1847, of the "white race 
' being superior to the black; of course a country 
^ filled with the former is more vigorous and pros- 
' perous than one tilled with a mixed race." 

When the proposition was before the Legislature, 
other amendments were offered beside that relating 
to " free suffrage." 



That I may be understood, let me state, that by 
our State constitution the House of Commons is 
composed of members elected from the counties 
"according- to their federal population." The ar- 
ticle seems to have l^eon copied from the Constitu- 
tion of the United States, wliich Massachusetts 
wished to amend in 1S43— the " third clause of the 
second section of the firs-t article." One western 
gentleman proposed in the North Carolina Leg-i-s- 
lature : 

"And be it further enacted, That the Constitution 
be so amended as to provide that the Senate shall 
hereafter be apportioned among- the several coun- 
ties of this Stiite according? to the Federal basis, and 
the members of the House of Commons according to the 
■white pop^ilation of I he Stale." 

For this amendment forty-one western members 
voted, Whig-s and Democrats, and among them 
some of the best men in our State. 

Another gentleman ^jroposed " that, in all future 
arrangements of Senatorial districts, the whole num- 
ber of white population of the State alone shall be 
divided by fifty, and every fiftieth part of the white 
population alone shall be entitled to a Senator." 

Our State senators are elected according to a ba- 
sis of taxation. 

Another gentleman— a bolder and truer man is 
rarely to be found — proposed an amendment, that 
" the members of the House of Commons be appor- 
tioned accordin? to the white population of the 
State." Rejected — yeas 36, nays 66. And then, 
just as these political movements are made in the 
northern States, another gentleman from my col- 
league's district (Mr. Cungman) moved that "the 
words federal population" be struck out of the con- 
stitution, and " free white population" be inserted 
in the stead. Rejected — 23 to 66. 

This last gentleman — a Democrat — thought he 
would go bevond what the Whig member had pro- 
posed. Shafl these men be called Abolitionists.^ 
No, sir, no; tliey would be the first to take up arms, 
if it were necessary, against them. But in Massa- 
chusetts a proposition "of the like chai-acter is de- 
nounced as bemg " the resuliof the wicked designs 
of ambitious agitators and ignorant fanatics." I 
ask my colleague, (Mr. Cungman,) what shall be 
said of the "white basis" advocates in western 
North Carolina ? Are they ag-itators .'' I think the 
people in eastern North Carolina will ask my col- 
league to stop agitation at home before he threat- 
ens to dissolve the Union for agitation abroad. 

Now, Mr. Chairman, the members of our State 
Legislature who made these propositions are not 
fanatics. They are true sons of the okl North State. 
They live in the most beautiful land that the sun of 
heaven ever shone upon. Yes, sir, I have heard 
the anecdote from Mr. Clay, that a preacher in 
Kentuck)'-, when speaking of the beauties of Para- 
disc, when he desired to make his audience believe 
it wa9 a place of bliss, said it was a Kentucky of a 
place. Sir, this preacher had never \isited the 
western counties of North Carolina. I have spent 
days of rapture in looking at her scenery of unsur- 
passed grandeur, in licaring the roar ot her mag- 
nificent water- falls, second only to the great cata- 
ract of the North ; and, while I gazed for hours, lost 
in admiration, at the power of Him who, by his 
word, created such a country, and gratitude for the 
blessings he had scattered upon it, I thought that 
if Adam and Eve, when driven from Paradise, had 
been near this land, they would have thought 
themselves in the next best place to that they had 
left. I could but think — 1 hope reverently — of 
what was told the children of Israel by their leader 
they should have, when he said — 

"For the Lord thy God bringeth thee into a 
good land — a land of brooks of water — of fountains 
and depths that spring out of valleys and hills; 

"A land of wheat and barley and vines and fig- 
trees and pomegranites; a land of oil, olive and 
feoney; aland wherein thou shalt eat bread with- 



out scarceness ; thou shalt not lack any thing in 
it ; a land whose stones are iron, and out of whose 
hills thou mayest dig brass." 

And to this country, for want of a railroad, the 
East are strangers. And now, when our patriotic 
sons at home, forgetting all party calls, arc, with 
united eflbrt, struggling nobly to build this road, 
to make us better acquainted, to build up cities in 
the East, to give our farmers a market for their 
produce, to stop the tide of emigration, to bind the 
East and West together in indissoluble bonds of 
interest and affection, our cars are saluted here 
with the hoarse brawling of disunion ! And we 
are invited to contonplate the glories of a southern 
confederacy, in which Virginia and South Caro- 
lina are to have great cities, to be supported by the 
colony or plantation of iVbr//i Carolina ! A southern 
confederacy in which the rulers will lead us into 
an unholy crusade, as far as Vera Cruz, to conquer 
territory, to give the "sons of the Presidents" a 
market ! ! 

When the American army was rejoicing at the 
surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown; when the 
acclamations of our revolutionary patriots, and 
their thanks to Providence were poured forth from 
their grateful hearts, it is said that a Scotchman, 
whose bullock had been taken to supply the wants 
of the soldiers, was heard to shout through the 
army, "Beef! beef! beef!" when he was clamor- 
ing for the price of his property. The genius of 
the illustrious Patrick Henry has given this man 
an unenviable notoriety. In the minds of the peo- 
ple of North Carolina the name of John Hook will 
be associated with these advocates of disunion and 
civil war. 

But the hearts of the great mass of our people of 
both parties are right. Our great railroad must 
and will be built. In a few years, the enlivening 
sound of the steam whistle will be heard in the re- 
cesses of our forests; beautiful villages will spring 
up among us, and the "little hills shall rejoice on 
every side;" the "valleys shall stand so thick with 
corn that they shall laugh and sing." 

Yes, sir, we will build this road; and with the 
electro-magnetic telegraph we can communicate 
news in a few hours to places distant hundreds of 
miles. And let insurrection take place, our gal- 
lant mountain boj's — and, among the first of them, 
the "white basis" membei-s of our Legislature — 
will come down by thousands to our aid. They 
will come "as the winds come when navies arc 
stranded." 

But I must hurry on. Inexorable, relentless 
time will not stay his march, even to hear me speak 
of the future glories of North Carolina. 
, I come now to another reason assigned by some 
why we should think of disunion. It was also re- 
ferred to in the southern address. It is the "noto- 
rious Gott's resolution." Now what is it? 

I have a copy before me. In December, 1848, 
Mr. GoTT offered this resolution. It had to southern 

fentlemen an offensive preamble, "of the traffic in 
uman beings," &c.; but the resolution is as fol- 
lows: 

"Resolved, That the Committee for the District 
' of Columbia be instructed to report a bill as soon 
' as practicable prohibiting- the slave trade in said 
' District." 

The resolution was adopted, afterwards reconsid- 
ered, and no action I believe was ever afterwards had 
upon it. And here, by the way, I wish I could have 
some good reason why the southern Democracy 
voted for the previous question, with the Abolition- 
ists, on this resolution.'' Why was action desired 
except for agitation? But this is the Gott Resolu- 
tion — this is THE resolution which roused the South, 
and brought about the southern convention which 
issued the southern address. It proposes simply to 
abolish the slave trade in this District. 

If I understand correctly the opinions of Mr. 
Clay, in his recent and former speeches, he has ex- 



pressed his willingness that the slave trade in this 
District should be abolished. But because he was a 
candidate for the Presidency, he has been called an 
Abolitionist. But I have strong southern authority 
to support Gott's resolution. A distinguished Sen- 
ator from Alabama, one very worthy of the place he 
adorns, a gentleman of ability, of dignified senato- 
rial deportment, respected by all who know him, 
and, I am proud to say, a native of my own State, 
(Mr. King,) in a recent debate in the Senate, used 
very strong language upon this subject. This 

fenileman had so good a character, that even John 
'yler conferred office on him VN'ithout injuring 
him. He said, very properly, "he asked no act of 
Congress to carry slavery any where." The Sena- 
tor is opposed to the Wilmot proviso, as I am. And 
I concur with him entirely in what he says of abol- 
ishing slavery in this District. I have an extract 
from his remarks, which I will print, not having 
time to read them. 

Mr. KixG, of Alabama, said " that whether the 
' Congress of the United States has, under the Con- 
' stitution, the right to abolish slavery in the Dis- 
* trict of Columbia or not, it would be as gross a vio- 
' lation of good faith towards Maryland and Virgi- 
' nia, as if it had been expressly prohibited in the 
' Constitution, as long a.s those States remained 
' slaveholdiug states." 

' ' IVilh regard to what is called the slave trade, I have 
never 3ce7i the day — and Senators are aware of it, I 
presume, from tlie course I have pursued heretofore — 
when I was notwiUing to pass a law for the purpose of 
breaking up those miserable establishments that exist 
under the very eyes of Congress itself, and are so 
offensive to many gentlcmin, tuho feel perhaps more 
sensitive on the subject than J do. I am free to say 
that I am the very last man loho would beioiUing to en- 
courage such establishments." 

Did Gott's resolution propose to do any thing 
else but "break up these miserable establishments.'"' 
And yet if this is done, the Nashville Convention 
will be instructed to prepare for a dissolution of the 
Union I And a bill was reported from a committee, 
I learn of the last Congress, of whicli the gentleman 
from Mississippi (Mr. Brown) was a member, to 
abolish the slave trade in this District. Again I say, 
sir, that had General Cass been elected President, 
we should not have heard all this outcry. 

Here allow me to say, sir, that no man in his 
senses believes Congress will ever be guilty either 
of the outrage or the folly of abolishing slavery in 
this District, excepting of course those fanatics who 
think the Constitution 13 an "agreement with Hell." 
If any sensible man ever thought of it, I would ask 
him CMt bo7io 7 Would it not inevitably lead to the 
abolition the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. 
Mann) spoke of .'' Would it not separate husband 
and wife, parent and child .'' Any owner of a slave 
can take him out of the District when he pleases. 
And what would be the condition of those free ne- 
groes now married to slaves .'' I do not believe we 
will ever have a President who would approve such 
a bill. If Mr. Van Buren were President, I would 
trust even him ; and although he had pledged him- 
self to veto the bill, I believe he would do it. 

Such an act would justly be regarded by the 
southern States as a declaration of hostility on the 
part of the North, and they would act accordingly. 

[Here Mr. Stanly was rudely interrupted by 
Mr. HiLLiARD of Alabama, which led to controversy 
between Mr. Hilhard and Mr. Stanly, which is 
reported at length in the Daily Globe of March 7th, 
1850, to which paper Mr. S. specially refers, as 
other reports have been garbled.] 

Mr. Chairman, when I was interrupted by the 
gentleman from Alabama, I was speaking, I think, 
of the aggression on the South. 

Yes, the South has been terribly oppressed! Out 
of the sixty years since the Constitution was framed, 
the South has had the Presidents all of the time ex- 
cept twelve yeare and one month. We have had 



our share of other high offices. How is it now? In 
the midst of this formidable invasion of our rights, 
when the Abolitionists are so strong, wc have elect- 
ed a southern President, who was said to be the 
owner of more than two hundred slaves! and that, 
too, against the nominees of the Baltimore conven- 
tion, when it was said "there was no slaveholder on 
their ticket!" 

We have a southern Speaker, with whose man- 
ner of discharging the duties of the chair I have no 
complaint to make. And what a spectacle his elec- 
tion presented! So strong was party feeling with 
some gentlemen from the non-slaveholding States, 
that when the issue was a northern or a southern 
Speaker, they refused to vote for a northern Speak- 
er. This speaks volumes; party feelings must al- 
ways influence us, must always be felt by the 
North and West, and southern votes jvill always be 
wanted. 

A majority of the Cabinet are from slavehold- 
iug States. In the Supreme Court we have five to 
four. In the army and navy we Lave our full 
share. Of the foreiarn ministers we have more thaoi 
our share. But stilt "Gott's resolution," or some 
other aggression, troubles us. Let me record an- 
otlier instance of northern liberality. When Gen- 
eral Harrison died, Mr. Tyler became President. 
Mr. Southard, of New Jersey, was chosen Presi- 
dent of the Senate; he died, and did the North prac- 
tise aggression on us.'' Did they elect a northern 
President of the Senate.^ No; they elected a dis- 
tinguished Senator (Mr. Mangum) from my own 
State. 

Mark, Mr. Chairman, my argument is not to de- 
feud the Abolitionists, or agitators, but to prove 
that the North — the great body of the people — are 
not enemies to the South. And, to pursue this ar- 
gument, how did the votes stand in tlic !a.?t Presi- 
dential election? 

I have not time to make a very accurate state- 
ment, but this statement is nearly correct: 
In what arc called the free States, 

Taylor received 925,646 votes. 

Cass 312,855 " 

Van Buren 291,673 " 

2,030,179 

In the slaveholdiug States, 

Taylor and Fillmore received. ..435,378 

Cass and Butler 409,436 

Van Buren 299 

845, IIS 

Whole number of votes, (excluding 
South Carolina, whose electors are cho- 
sen by her Legislature,) 2,875,292 

Majority of Union men over Free-Soilers and 
Abolitionists, only 2,583,315— more than two mil- 
lions five hundred thousand! 

Taylor's m tjority, although he was reported to 
be the owner of two hundred slaves, v/as more than 
one hundred thousand. And this majority in the 
non-slaveholding States, where he was opposed by- 
General Cass, who is reported to have said he 
thanked God he never owned a slave — said he never 
would, and prayed for the abolition of slavery! 

Is this hostility to the South? No, sir; the true 
secret is, the spoils are gone; some editors are 
turned out of office, others are disappointed. Or, 
to use the words of my colleague, Mr. Clingman, 
in an extract before me as reported in the Appen- 
dix to the Congressional Globe, 28th Congress, 1st 
Session, page 285 — he said of the Democratic party 
what I would say of the doughfaces: 

"It will be found on examination this party is gov- 
erned by seven principles— as John Randolph is re- 
ported to have said of Thomas Ritchie — the five 
loaves and the two fishes. Or, in the language of 
John C. Calhoun, late a distinguished leader of this 
party, remarkable for his powers of generalization 
and condensation, and who was thereby enabled to 
analyze, simplffy, and reduce to a single element 



these various principles, it is the 'spoils parly,' 
held together by the cohesive power of public 
plunder." 

And here, sir, let me say another word to my 
colleague while I think of it. 

I hope he will pause in his hasty couisc until he 
hears from the people in the eastern part of the 
State. In case of civil war, they are more likely to 
be injured by insurrection and by foreign foes than 
my colleague's constituents. 

According to the census of 1840, as nearly as I 
can ascertain, in the district of my colleague, (Mr. 
Outlaw,) from the north-eastern counties, the 
population was- 

WHITE. SLAVE. 

4-2,458 36,053 

Wilmington dist. 49,486 33,238 

Washington • " 49,308 37,665 

Now, what is the condition among my colleague's 
"white basis" constituents? 

Buncombe district, (Cungman's) — White popu- 
lation, 60.039; Slave do. 9,229. 

These eastern districts are on the seacoast. My 
colleague's is the most inaccessible point to a for- 
eign foe in the United States. I do not believe, sir, 
the good people he represents are willing to engage 
in foreign or civil war, for any aggression yet com- 
mitted ; and not even to recover fugitive slaves. 
And I do not believe my colleague's constituents 
ever lost a slave by northern Abolitionists. Bad 
tnen sometimes steal our slaves; if that aggression 
can be stopped by my colleague, he will do us great 
service. 

I hope to be allowed to speak to my colleague for 
my constituents — to speak as an eastern man, and 
as a slaveholder. If, in the providence of God, any 
calamity befalls us on account of our slaves, I shall 
be among my people. I shall not inquire, as the 
servant of my friend from Kentucky (Mr. Mar- 
shall) did, wlicn he told his servant, John, he 
wished him to go to Mexico. " Master," said 
John, after reflection, " how far is the camp from 
the battle-ground .'" His master could not answer 
satisfactorily, and John declined to go. My affec- 
tions, my interest, my duty, all bind me with hooks 
of steel to my home. The graves of my forefathers, 
for several generations, are there ; the dearest 
friends I have on earth are there ; there I expect to 
live, and there I hope to die ; and whatever calam- 
ity may come, their fate will be my fate — "their 
Cfod will be my God." 

I wish now, sir, to say a word to the gentleman 
from Virginia, (Mr. Meade,) who did me the 
honor to send me a copy of his speech in the early 
part of the session. 

1 protest, as a southern man, against the doc- 
trinesofthis speech, delivered before the gentleman's 
constituents in August, 1849. And I think, if copies 
of it were circulated in New Mexico, and the peo- 
ple understood the gentleman was an intluential 
man at home and in Congress, it would be enough 
of itself to exclude slavery from that Territory. 

Mr. Ashe. The gentleman to whom you refer is 
not in the House; he is not in the city; he is sick. 

Mr. Stanly. I am sorry to hear of the gentle- 
man's illness; though I shall make no remarks of 
an offensive character. If I had heard he had been 
taken sick shortly after the delivery of this speech, 
I Bhould not have been at a loss to account for his 
illness. I am obliged to my colleague for the mo- 
tive which prompts the interruption. 

The gentleman (Mr. Meadb) says: "Weareno 
• propagandists of slavery; had we no slaves, there 
' 18 not a man present who would vote to bring 
' them among us." I am glad to hear the declara- 
tion. The gentleman probably concurs in opinion 
with my colleague, (Mr. Clingman,) when he 
Baid, a country filled with the white race "is more 
vigorous and prosperous than one tilled with a 
mixed race." My colleague shakes his head; he 
wilt find, on examination, I am right in stating 



what he said — a sentiment that will answer better 
for the hills of Buncombe than for eastern lowlands; 
for negroes tlirive in some pa its of our country 
where white people can hardly live. The bilious 
fever ia sometimes in the low lands very fatal to 
the white race. I have heard a highly intelligent 
gentleman, and a large slaveholder, say he had 
never known a negro to die from the bilious fever. 
But I should be glad to be informed, why the gentle- 
man from Virginia would not bring them amongst 
us, if they "elevate our character" — a sentiment 
that meets my hearty condemnation. For, if it be 
true, the "owner of sixty slaves" is more elevated 
in his character than the owner of five — then he 
who holds no negroes cannot be elevated in his 
character ! I know a certain district in the United 
States, in which it was urged that a Democratic 
candidate, "the owner of sixty slaves," was more 
worthy of public confidence than a Whig, who did 
not own half a dozen; but it was not arg-ued that 
the large slave owner was more "clevateo in char- 
acter" for that reason. 

Again : The gentleman from Virginia, Mr. 
Meade, says: 

" The situation of Virginia is more critical than 
any of her sisters. She has a slave population of 
near half a million, v;hosi: value is chiefly dependent 
on southern demand." 

Now, sir, if I understand this, it means that Vir- 
ginia slave owners raise negroes to sell. If so, I 
say it is horrible to think of. I have spent most of 
my life among slaveholders — religious men of all 
denominations are slaveholders — but I do not know 
one man in my district or my State who raises ne- 

froes for "southern demand" — to sell. I should 
e ashamed to own such a constituent. 

Again, says the gentleman from Virginia: 

"The whole civilized world is now uniting in a 
crusade against American slavery, even where it 
now exists." 

I do not admit the correctness of this assertion. 
But if it be true, how, I ask, shall we improve our 
condition by dissolving the Union ? Both the great 
parties of the country admit their obligation to 
stand by the Constitution. What will be the cru- 
sade when that Constitution is destroyed .'' 

Again, says the gentleman from Virginia: 

"While it must be admitted that strong objec- 
tions may be urged to the institution of slavery, 
yet there are advantages also, which, in the opinion 
of many, are full compensation for the evils attend- 
ing it. Our past history testifies to the fact that it 
elevates the character of the tohite man. Though 
we have been in a numerical minority in the Union 
for fifty years, yet during the greater part of that 
period we have managed to control the destinies of 
this nation." 

The gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Fitch) hag 
already commented on this remark, and I have but 
one word to add. Are we not now, by our share 
in the great offices of the Republic, still controlling 
the destinies of this nation ? 

But the gentleman says : 

"The diffusion of our population is essential to 
our very existence." 

It may be so in Virginia, but it is not so in North 
Carolina; if we arc let alone we can manage ours. 
Is this diffusion to go on indefinitely.' If New Mex- 
ico is admitted into the Union, and abolishes slave- 
ry, where will the diffusion then be.'' I see no dan- 
ger to our existence in the admission of New Mex- 
ico as a free State. I had rather have her there than 
to have a free Mexican State not under the influ- 
ence of our Constitution and laws. 

But in the gentleman's speech he takes another 
view of the subject. He says: 

"If, in the mean time, the Mexican States on the 
Rio Grande should be annexed, (as they will be if 
they are to come in as free States,) we shall be en- 
tirely cut off" from the hope we now have of letting' 
off this population, then probably valueless as pro- 



perty, among- a people already, to a certain extent, ance to sentiments, clothed in lano-uao-e that a 




for the citizens of New Mexico! Amalg-amate! g-cr answer for a hobby horse, since Mors-an's'my's- 

What will the inneritors of the old Castilian blood terious disappearance has ceased to ao-itate the nub- 

and spirit say to that? lie mind in the North, the g-cntleniaS must preact 

Ihe g-cntleraan g speech has been extensively against the horrors and the despotism of slavery I 

circulated. Newspapers have copied large por- hope his next speech will be fit to be read in the 

tions of It. Each member of Congress, I learn, has families of Pennsylvania farmers. I hope the <ren- 

been politely furnished with a copy. If it reaches tleman will find some other Morgan to frig-htea 

New Mexico, and lier people understand the gen- the grandmothers and children of Pennsylvania 

tleman expresses the opinions of the South, he will with. But I ask him to let us alone, 

be entitled to the credit or blame of keeping slaves Mr. Chairman, if these gentlemen's minds were 

from New Mexico. not as inaccessible to reason as their hearts seem 

1 wish now, sir, to say a word to some of the agi- devoid of kindness towards a portion of their coun- 

tators on this floor, who have been guilty of unkind trymen, I would gladly ask them to listen to some 

and cruelly uncharitable speeches. A gentleman few facts. When I was a young man and first ob- 

from Massachusetts, (Mr. Mann,) who has the served public events in North Carolina, free ne- 

reputaiion of being a man of letters and of culti- groes voted as white citizens. Free negroes voted 

vated taste, gave utterance to expressions which in North Carolina until an amendment was made 

he must have known were offensive to every south- in our State constitution in 1S35. And in the town 

ern man in this House. He drew a horrid picture of Ncwbcrn, where I lived, according- to my recol- 

of the probable consequences of disunion. Some ex- lection, out of three hundred vofcrs,'sixty of them 

pressions are, I think, modified in his printed were free blacks. And when the proposition was 

speech; and my blood ran cold to hear a gentleman made in our convention, in 1835, to deprive free ne- 

ol his age and standing apparently dchght in groes of the privilege of voting, it was opposed by 

wounding our feelings. I will not repeat the ex- some of our ablest and best men. I think the vote 

pressions to which I refer. I could not speak of stood 65 for abolishing the ri'rht, and 60 a"-auist it- 

them m respectful terms. Sir, 1 have no personal and among these sixty are recorded the names of 

acquaintance with the gentleman from Massachu- ' ' " " '~ ... 
setts. But if he be the man I have heard of as pos- 
sessing a cultivated mind, adorned with rare class- 
ical attainments, if his speech is a fair exhibition of 
his feelings, I fear he will furnish another melan- 



of 



Judges Gaston and Daniel, then, two of the judges 
of our supreme court; Mr. Rayner, favorably 
known here, and I think idso Mr. Montgomery and 
Mr. Charles Fisher, afterwards members ofCongress 

, , - , r , , r . from my State, and other gentlemen whose names 

choly example of the truth of the assertion, that a I cannot now remember. Well, sir, what is the 



cutivated intellect is not always attended with a effect of the agitation of Abolitionists ? Have yoi 
cultivated heart; that a man's mind may be "rich improved the condition of the free negroes' Fa 
with the spoils of time," and his heart of flinty romit. And if the same proposition were submit- 
coldness. The gentleman is not unknown to the ted to a State convention in North Carolina, at this 
countrjr as an able and eloquent lecturer to literary day, not one man would vote for it. Within my 
institutions. His services in the cause of education own memory, emancipation of a slave was a mat- 
have been valuable. He has proved in that offensive ter of frequent occurrence. A simple petition to the 
speech, that with him "knowledge is a Swiss mer- court, on half a sheet of paper, at the request of the 
' cenary, ready to combat either in the works of master, alleging his slave had rendered meritorious 
' sin, or under the banner of righteousness;" ready services, and the slave was made free. But these 
to give wholesome advice to young men when en- fanatics circulated papers containing doctrines like 
tering upon life, or to fan the flames of fanaticism, those avowed in the .speeches I have referred to, and 
The gentleman seemed to speak without regret the inevitable consequence was, that kp-islation in- 
at the thought that "domestic fury and fierce civil terfered, for insurrection was talked of tn the iufa- 
strife" should reign among us. What reason, mous papers of the Abolitionists and a feeling that 
what motive can prompt the gentleman from Mas- it was necessary to protect our firesides and our 
sachusetts thus to speak to us.? It cannot give homes compelled us to be careful. And how is it 
him strength at home. No one accuses any north- now.' Emancipation is a difiicult matter. In ex- 
ern man of wishing to establish or extend slavery; traordinary cases, our legislature sometimes eman- 
cipates. Our laws allow slaves to be emancipated 
by will, but not to remain in the State. As the 
public mind became excited, our people thought it 
wrong to allow emancipation when free negroes 



and, if the gentleman will withdraw himself from 
his philosophical reveries, for a few moments, and 
ask himself, with the remembrance that there is au 
eye that sees the thoughts of the heart — "What 

good have I done, what good did I hope to do, by couhrvisit our northern States, and return%ith 

outraging the feelings of any of the members of mischievous intentions; and leo-islation threw diffi- 

this House.?" I think the "still small voice" will culties in the way of emancipadon. 
tell him— None, none! I fear the gentleman will This has been the effect ot men holding- tlie opin- 

prove It is true— ions of the gentlemen from Massachusetts and 

"Heart-merit wanting, mount we ne'er so high, Pennsylvania, (Mann and Stjeven.?,; and pubhsh- 

Ourheight is but the gibbet of our name." ing them as they have. Emancipation was o-oincr on 

If I might presume to advise one so competent to daily; but not so now. Northern gentlemen who 

give advice as the gentleman from Massachusetts can understand how the whole of their section caa 

IS, I would tell him— Better kvep at your lectures, be excited by passing: a resolution declaring you 

have them published and puffed by your friends, shall not petition for'any thino- and every thine- 

In this way, good may be achieved by your efforts, can also understand how denunciation, threats and' 

Your eloquence maybe praised, extracts maybe impudent interference with our rights, can excite 

published from your lectures, exciting the admira- our people to a feeling of resistance. That feeling 

tion of sophomores and of men. But I beg the gen- has caused them to oppose emancipation. Sir, I 

tleman to remember, that, though he speaks with remember well when we had nesro meeting-houses 

the "tongues of men and of angels,- and has not and negro preachers, some of w^iom could read and 

charity," he will become as sounding brass or a write well; but you philanthropists— those men who 

tinkling cymbal." And another gentleman, from would ralhtr look on rivers of blood than that sla- 

Pennsylvania, (Mr. Stevens,) in a speech which very should be extended one inch, and have suck 

■was, apparently, deliberately prepared, gave utter- horror of chains, shackles and despotism— they 



10 



sent incendiary documents among our slaves, ex- 
citing them to insurrection. As an inevitable re- 
sult, education was forbidden. Self-protection re- 
quired it — protection for the slaves required it. And 
this is another fruit of your sympathy for the slave! 
But we do not deny them religious instruction. 
Jn one (own in my district, the negroes have a 
clergyman of their own, and their own church — a 
Methodist church. I wish northern gentlemen 
could see thein, neatly dressed, with cheerful faces, 
as they are going to worship. I wish they could 
hear their heart-rejoicing songs, when they sing 
praises to their Maker. They wouki think better 
of slaveholders and less of Abolitionists. Our peo- 
ple rearard slaves as property, but not as cattle 
raised ?or market. 

Meeting-houses are scattered all over our coun- 
try, and our negroes attend worship as their mas- 
ters do. ISIany of them are members of those high- 
ly respectable denominations. Baptists and Metho- 
dists; and when their masters live in very retired 
situations, clergymen are employed, in some in- 
stances, who picach to the slaves, and instruct 
them in their religious duties, in chapels on the 
farms. I know, I am proud to say, one such in my 
district. I know of another instance, where a 
large slaveholder, living out of the reach of a 
church, has a minister of one denomination em- 
ployed by the }-ear to preach to his negroes — and 
that minister not of the same church of which the 
master is a member. These masters are good men, 
and are looking forward to the account they aie 
hereafter to give for their treatment of those who 
are placed under their care. Yes, sir; and one 
such man docs more acts of benevolence in one 
year than a thousand of your fanatics who lecture 
on the evils of slavery. These slave owners regard 
their negroes as human beings, in whose nostrils 
God has breathed the breath of life; in whose bosoms 
He has implanted a living soul; and they treat 
them accordingly. Many of our slaveholders arc 
from Yankee land. Many own slaves, who pur- 
chased them to prevent their separation from their 
families. 

I tell these Abolitionists, you are the men who 
have "riveted the chains." But for your efforts, 
thousands of slaves would have been educated 
and emancipated — would have been returned to 
Africa; and Liberia, under the influence of the 
Christian religion — would have realized what the 

Esalmist said: "Ethiopia shall soon stretch out her 
ands unto God." 

Slavery is an evil; we know it. It is an evil to 
the white man. No laboring population in any 
country, except our own northern people, are so 
well taken care of, so well supplied with all the ne- 
cessaries of life, as our slaves are. Whatever of 
evil there is in slavery has been increased by the 
agitation of Abolitionists — those miserable wretches 
who denounce us constantly — those sincere dis- 
unionists, v.'ho say the American Union is a " cov- 
enant with death" and an " agreement with hell," 
and ought to be "immediately" cissolved. These 
men are sometimes courted by both parties of the 
North in doubtful contests, and therefore made to 
appear stronger than they really are. These are 
they who have increased the evils of slavery. 

But let them alone; in a few years more they 
will be universally despised, and they "will be 
' buried with" the burial of an ass, drawn and cast 
' forth beyond the gates of Jerusalem." 

Our people are denounced as a blood-thirsty gen- 
eration. Hear one or two facts. Our laws punish 
with death any one who is guilty of stealing a 
slave, or of concealing him with the intent to en- 
able him to escape. Two cases have been tried 
within three years, in my district. One was an 
Irishman, a tailor, little over twenty-one years of 
age, who was, upon testimony too clear to be dis- 
puted, proved guilty. He had not been many 
years in the United States, and those slave-owners 



who were on the jury unanimously recommended 
him to the Executive clemency, which was ap- 
proved by a slaveholding judge, and he was par- 
doned by a slaveholding governor. The petition to 
the governor was signed by the g-ood man who 
owned the slave. He had slave owners for his 
counsel, of his own selection, who received no 
pay; raid I am happy to know this man after- 
wards distinguishea himself in Mexico with that 
gallantry for which the Irish are remarkable. 
The other case occurred within a year past. An 
Irish sailor-boy came to the seaport town in which 
I reside. A runaway slave was found on board, af- 
ter the vessel had started on her voyage. He was 
arrested and brought to trial. He was a stranger, 
pcnnyless, and without an acquaintance or friend. 
He had counsel of his own choice, slaveholders, who 
defended him without reward, or the hope of re- 
ward in this world. The jury of slaveholders, far 
above the influence of prejudice excited by the 
course of the Abolitionists, when there was a possi- 
bility that this boy, not eighteen years old, was the 
dupe of some other person, acquitted him. He 
was discharged, and treated as kindly in that com- 
munity as one of our own people. 

And yet, these are the people whom the Aboli- 
tionists vilify, as being fond of manacles, chains — as 
despots. 

But I must hurry on; one word as to the Wilmot 
proviso. I shall not discuss the constitutional ques- 
tion. The subject is worn out. It would be as great 
an outrage to the southern people to enact it as if 
it were constitutional. The southern people, with 
great unanimity, believe, as I do, that to enact the 
Wilmot proviso would be "an act of gross injustice 
and wrong." And though as a private citizen, and 
as a member of our State Legislature, I have op- 
posed the suggestion of a dissolution of the Union, 
should it be aclopted, yet I believe the people of my 
State will feel called upon, if it is enacted in any 
law this session, to consult in a State convention if 
it is not time to inquire whether our northern breth- 
ren intend to regard us as equals, or to treat ua 
with unkindness.'' Whatever North Carolina does, 
I shall abide by. She will not, without great cause 
of complaint, be driven to think of disunion. I be- 
lieve the minds of a large majority of both parties 
(here regard with horror the thought of disunion; 
but if your legislation here impresses upon the 
mind of her people that you are unfriendly to ue, 
she will, without bluster or threats, provide for her 
honor and security in such manner as the world 
will justify. I will not believe you will enact the 
Wilmot proviso. There is no necessity for it. I 
have too good an opinion of our northern members 
to believe it. All admit that new States, after they 
are admitted, can either tolerate or prohibit slavery. 
Then there is no practical question at issue. The 
northern States are stronger than the southern. 
But I hope they will remember, though it is "ex- 
cellent to have a giant's strength, it is tyrannous to 
xise it as a giant." And tyrannous legislation 
must produce sectional anirtiosities. 

While on this subject I wish to say a few words 
to my colleague (Mr. Clincman) upon the consti- 
tutional question. I wish I had time to read at 
length some extracts from his speech; but I have 
not — I will print them. 

From Mr. Clingman's speech, December 22, 
1847, on the slavery question: [Appendix to Con- 
gressional Globe, 30th Congress, 1st session:] 

"I am now brought, Mr. Chairman, to the direct 
' consideration of the great question , as to the ex- 
' tent of (he powers and duties of Congress in rela- 
' tion to slavery in the Territories of the United 
' States. Upon this subject a distinguished politi- 
' cian from the South, (Mr. Calhoun,) in the other 
' wing of this building, some twelve months since, 
' laid down certain doctrines which are, in sub- 
' stance, as near as I can remember them, these: 
' The territories of the United States, being the 



11 



' common property of the Union, are held-by Cou- 
' gresa in trust for the use and benefit of all the 
' States and their citizens. Secondly, that Con- 
' gress has no rig-ht to exclude, hj law, any citizens 
' of the United States from g-oingf into any part of 
' said territories, and carrying with them, and holii- 
' ing any such property as they are allowed to hold 
' in the States from which they come. This view, 
' though perhaps plausible at the first glance, is 
' really the most shallow and superficial that could 
' possibly be presented. Admitting the first general 
' proposition to be true, (and no fair mind can 
' question it,) that the territories of the United 
' States are held by Congress in trust for the use 
' and benefit of all the States and their citizens, I am 
' free to conf(3SS, that if Congress should sec that it 
' was most advantageous to allow all the citizens to 
' occupy the territory ih common with the proper- 
' ty, it doubtless ought so to provide. But it is 

• equally clear that if, on the other hand, Congress 
' shoulcf see that all the citizens of the United States 
' could not thus advantageously occupy all the ter- 
' ritory in common, it might divide the same so as 
' to assign certain portions to particular classes or 
' persons." ******* 

Again : 

"Ail the power that can be exercised belongs to 
' Congress alone. Congress has power to make all 
' needfid rules and regulations . But the wants of all 
' communities are in legal contemplation the same. 
' The wants of the Territories may be, and in fact 
' are, just as great as those of the States. It seems 
' to me, then, Mr. Chairman, with due deference 
' to thase who have given the subject greater cow- 

• sideratiou than I have been able to do, that Con- 
' gress, in legislating for the Territories, is con- 
' trolled only by the Constitution of the United 
' States. It is equally true, however, that the peo- 
' pic of the several States are likewise controlled by 
' this Constitution. Whether acting in convention 
' or through their ordinary legislative govern- 
' meats, they can do nothing contrary to it. 

" Congress, then, has over the Territory just such 
' powers as its Legislature would have after it became 
' a State. Both are controlled by the Constitution 
' of the United States, the supreme law of the land. 
' As this Constitution is silent in relation to sla- 

• very, it has been argued on the one hand that 
' Congress can do nothing to exclude it from the 
' Territory. On the other hand, it is asserted, with 
' equal confidence, that for the same reason there is 
' no power to establish the institution. These two 
' opposite views are worthy antagonists, and I shall 
' leave them to contend, not fearing that either will 
' ever obtain a victory over the other." 

* * * * * 

"If, then. Congress possesses general legis- 
' lative powers over the territories, as i con- 
' tend, it is idle to deny that slavery may 
' either 13e permitted or forbidden to exist 

' THERE." * 

In another partof my colleague's speech, he gives 
utterance to opinions rather contradictory to those 
just quoted. The inconsistency is glaring; but it 
is fairer upon such a subject to quote it than to 
withhold it: 

" I do not pretend that any section of the Union 
' can insist fairly that territory should be acquired 
' for her benefit. We are doubtless all bound, in 
' good faith, to adhere to the Constitution and 
' Union, with such boundaries as it had when we 
' became parties to it. But I do say, that if the 
' Government should acquire territory, it takes it 
' under the Constitution, for the benefit of all: and 
' a decree that any section, or its citizens, shall be 
' excluded from all such territory, would be as 
' great a violation of the Constitution as the Gov- 
' ernment could possibly commit. S^icU is substan- 
' tidily this proposed exclusion of slavery from all the 
' territories hereafter to be acquired." 

If the author of this speech means any thing, it 



must be this — that after territory is acquired, 
"Congress possesses general legislative powers," 
and slavery may either be permitted or forbidden 
to exist there; but if Congress shall decree that 
slavery shall bo excluded "from all the Territories 
hereafter to be acquired," it will be as great a viola- 
tion as the Governnnent could possibly commit! ! 

Sir, I cannot understand how these views can 
exist in the same mind at one and the same time. 
It looks as if one part of the speech was addressed 
to a Whig Buncombe and another part to a Demo- 
cratic Buncombe; one to the eastern Buncombe and 
the other to the western Buncombe. 

It reminds me of a verse I read somewhere in my 
youth, made by one just beginning to >vrite verses — 
and his first should have been his last — who de- 
scribed a fight on the water, and vv-rote — 
" The stranger and his crew then stormed the boat. 

And all at once jumped in and all at once jumped 
out." 

And further, iipon the constitutional question, 
my colleague argued, very projjerly, that there 
could be no difficulty ; for, speaking of the Mis- 
souri compromise, he said : 

" There was, however, a settlement made at 
• length, upon terms which, though unequal to the 
' South, iveie not at variance with the spirit of the 
' Constitution." 

My colleague is regarded now in some parts of 
the South — even in South Carolina — as very sound 
upon the slavery question. I have been denounced 
as unsound for entertaining precisely the sajne 
opinions as my colleague does. 

And upon the general justice of the duty of the 
General Government to protect slave property, I 
desire, in passing, to say, I heard with pleasure 
the able and statesmanlike argument of the gen- 
tleman from Georgia, (Mr. Toombs,) made here 
a few days ago. It gives me more pleasure to add 
my feeble tribute of commendation to this speech — 
though I do not agree in all the gentleman said — 
because the gentleman's opposition to his own 
friends, and his course in this House before we 
were organized, met with my decidod condem- 
nation. 

And while this is in mind, I will beg to say one 
word to another gentleman from Georgia, (Mr. 
Stephens.) 

Before we were organized, that gentleman was 
understood to call down curses on all those who 
would not stand up for their section. I made al- 
lowance for the gentleman's excited feelings, but I 
heard the remark with pain. I had read his elo- 
quent speeches with profit and with pleasure, and I 
had anticipated the pleasure of doing my duty here 
under his lead; and, when he, and his friends who 
acted with him, (Messrs. Toombs, Hilhard, and 
others,) in the southern caucus, voted against Mr. 
Calhoun's Southern address, and did not "stand 
up for a section," I approved their conduct. When 
he, and the estimable and highly talented gentle- 
man, my predecessor, (Mr. Donnell,) and six 
other southern gentlemen, were denounced as 
traitors, for voting to lay Clayton's compromise 
bill on the table, I defended their course. And 
without having had an opportunity, in the midst of 
professional pursuits, to examine that bill, I de- 
fended their conduct at home, from my knowledge 
of their character, and justified their not standing 
up "for a section." According to Mr. Calhoun's 
platform of amending the Constitution, even the 
Senator from Mississippi, (Mr. Foote,) we have 
within a day or two heard, cannot stand up with 
Mr. C. for his section. Our worthy Speaker, in 
that southern convention, could not stand up, ac- 
cording to the address, for "his section." He 
thought the doughfaces had not had justice done 
them: the address was against the whole North. 
The author of that address, who endeavored to excite 
the public mind, only recommended to the South 
"to be united;" but has recently, by his ultraism> 



12 



■disunited them, and I should be glad to know 
whijjh side the Nashville con\<'ntioii will take. And 
i should be glad to be informod why those who cen- 
sure others for Mot standing up lor a section, did 
not vote for a southern Speaker, when the contest 
was between a northern and southern Speaker. But 
I hope the gentleman from Georgia will come back, 
and let the whole country have the aid of his abili- 
ties; and I express now the wish that was in niy 
mind when the gentleman in\oked his curses— I 
hope "the accusing spirit blushed as he gave it in, 
and the recording angel dropped a tear upon the 
word, and blotted it out forever." 

A single word to the g-entleman from Florida, 
(Mr. Caiseh,) who took partagain.st his friends in 
the early part of the session. I nope, before he aids 
to bring about dissolution, he will see that his con- 
stituents can take care of the Indians at home 
without the aid of the General Government. 

I desire now to notice, very briefly, a few re- 
marks of my colleague?s speech, delivered this 
session. There are some portions of my colleague's 
remarks which I hope were uttered withov.it due 
consideration. He spoke of a "collision as inevi- 
' table, and the sooner it comes the better." What 
kind of collision did he mean ? He made state- 
ments of the "existing revenue system operating 
hardly on the South." How ? Docs he mean the 
Democratic British tariff of 1S46 1 And yet he 
says : "Looking, therefore, at all these different 
" elements, in greater increase of population, more 
' wealth, and less poverty and crime, we have rea- 
■' son to regard our people as prosperous and 
' happy." Then, I ask, how does the existing 
revenue system operate hardly upon us.' For my 
colleague says : "Nor is it true we are poorer than 

* the North, for the slaveholding States are much 
' richer, in proportion to their population, than the 
' free." ' 

I should be glad to know what facts has my col- 
league discovered, to cause him to change his 
opinions on the tariff question. In his speech, de- 
livered this session, he used some phrases that I 
think I have heard from Mr. Calhoun and Mr. 
McDuFKiE ; btit, in 1844, my colleague made a 
speech, in which he avowed opinions that did him 
honor. 

I have some quotations before me from that speech 
which I will print. 

Extracts from Mr. Clingbian's speech— [From 
the Appendix Congressional Globe, 2Sth Congress, 
first session :] 

"We (the Whigs) are in favor of such a tariff 
' 33 will produce all the revenue necessary to the 
' support of the Government, economically admin- 
' istered, without the money arising from the sales 

* of the public lands." 

He was opposed to a "horizontal tariff," by which 
I suppose he meant the compromise act of 1833, 
or the South Carolina tariff. In 1S44, my colleague 
advocated "incidental protection to our manufac- 
' turers and artisans, to sustain our own industry, 
' against the oppressive regulations of others, and 
' counteract, as far as practicable, the hostile re- 
' strictions of foreign nations." Good Whig doc- 
trine. My colleague took then "a common-sense, 
' practical view of this question. We have had 
■" theory and parade enough on it." What theory, 
except the South Carolina theory, that the "exist- 

* ing revi.-nue system operates hardly on the 
' South.'" 

In 1S44, when this Speech was delivered, the tariff 
of '42 was in operation. The tariff of '46 is said, 
by its friends, to be "a free-trade tariff." I say, it 
is a tariff for the benefit of English labor. How 
could my colleague advocate the tariff' of '42, and 
think the existing system "operates hardly on the 
South.'" 

How liis opinions hare changed since 1844, when 
he thus spoke of the tariff of IS42: "This favorable 
' state of our finances has been produced, thus far, 



' without any practical injury having resulted to 
' any section of the country. Not only cotton, bui 
' all of our other productions 'j:ommar)d a better price 
' than they did b'/ore the passage of the tariff; while 
'foreign articles vhichwe import and consume are 
' generally cheaper; I believe I might say. invariably 
' so." 

And upon this tariff, which is spoken of in some 
portion of the southern country as an "aggression 
on the South," I wish I had time to read an extract 
from a speech of as true-hearted a southern gentle- 
man as breathes; from one of spotless reputation, 
and whose high talents and character have shed 
honor on his country. I will print some extracts 
from his speech. 

Extract from the speech of Mr. Beurien, of 
Georgia, April 9th, 1844. — [Appendix to the Con- 
gressional Globe, 28th Congress, 1st Session:] 

Mr. BcnRisN was referring to the charge that the 
South was "oppressed." He said he was 'speaking 
as a southern man," and he was disputing tlie 
charge that there was suffering. He might have 
been accused of not "standing up for his section." 
But he argued as follows: 

" It is a mere question of fact; and I answer it by 
atiirining — what I presutne no one will deny — that 
there is a sensible, obvious improvement in the 
condition of the country since August, 1842. 
Whether it be because the tariff of that year, or in 
spite of it, I repeat, is not a subject of my present 
inquiry: I am dealing with fact, not theory; and 
these things I take to be undeniable, in the com- 
parison between the two periods: 

"1. The credit of the Government was prostrate, 
and it has been redeemed. Its bills were protested. 
Its treasury not;\s were below par. It souglit a loan 
and could not ojjtain it, either here or in Europe, 
but upon terms which were humiliating to a great 
nation. It could not go into the market anrl bor- 
row money on terms as fa\orable as would be ac- 
corded to a responsible individual. All this has 
been changed. Its stock is above par. The Gov- 
ernment has ample means to meet its current ex- 
penditures, and such is now its credit that it could 
command on loan any amount of money it might 
require. 

"2. The treasury was empty. It is now replen- 
ished, has an increasing income probably adequate 
to its wants, and the means, if need be, of adding 
to it. 

"3. The commerce and navigation of the country 
have increased. 

"4. Its agricultural condition has improved. 

"5. There has been a marked improvement in the 
price of our great staple. 

"6. A reduction of prices of almost all, if not abso- 
lutely of every article of consumption. 

"1 . To crown the whole, every branch of indus- 
tiy has been stimulated to increased activity, aad 
confidence has been restored. 

***** 

"Mr. President: It is pressed upon us in thisargu- 
ment that the act of 1342 imposes undue ami pecu- 
liar burdens on southern industry — on the planting 
interest of the South. This, sir, is to ine an 
awakening suggestion — the burden, if it exists, 
operating alike on my constituents and mys' lf,and 
upon me, personally, to the whole extent of the pro- 
ductive property which I possess. A lUtlc rctlec- 
tion, however, relieves mo from apprehension. I 
know that any tax which the Guvcrnmi nt can im- 
pose, in so far as it opiJKates upon consiauptiiii, can 
only compel the southern planter to share in the 
burden which all consumers have to be:ir. Experi- 
ence satisfies me too that this cannot be to the whole 
amountof duty, but the foreign producer must bear 
his proportion of it in the diminished profits of capi- 
tal. I kncio that the price of southern prvdnce has 
not fallen since these duties were iirvposed. I know 
too that the prices of articles of southern consumption 
have not risen, but have been sensibly diminixlud." 



13 



I shall surely not be blamed for an unwilling-ncss 
to believe that the existing system of revenue ope- 
rates hardly on the South and West. And ag-ain, 
I ask, why could not surh a man as William Gas- 
ton — why cannot our Grahams and Moreheads — see 
this oppression ? 

I shall never forget a speecli I heard from North 
Carolina's most distinguished son — Gaston — in the 
earlier part of my life. It was, I think, at an Union 
meetin''-, after North Carolina had been called the 
"Rip Van Winkle of the South," because she 
would not nullify an act of Congress. " Better, far 
'better," said iWr. Gaston, "be called the Rip Van 
' Winkle of the South, than the CataUne of the 
' historian, or the Captain Bobadill of the poet — 
' better sleep on forev'er, than wake to treason 
' or disunion." These words were from the son 
of one whose father's blood was shed by the 
enemies of his country; they were from the heart 
and lips of a patriotic christian gentleman — \\ ho 
was long honored by my native State, and whose 
memory is still cherished by all her true-hearted 
sons. His mortal remains repose within the bor- 
ders of that town in which tliese "words that burn" 
were spoken--it is a part of the country I represent. 
When 1 forget the applause these sentiments met 
with from tliat people, I shall forget ihtm. ; and 
when I do that, my " tongue will cleave to my 
mouth and mj"^ right hand lose her cunning." 

But my colleague complains of the amount of 
money expended at the North, and he says: "-North 
Carolina, for vxainplc, is bunlenfd to the txtent of not 
less than three viiV.ions, and yet does not gel back one 
hundred thousand dollars ui any way from the Govern- 
ment. The clear loss in a pecuniary point of view, 
on account of the action of the Government, may 
be set down at three millions annually. The soutk- 
ern States generally are in the same condition." 

Now, I cannot imagine how my colleague calcu- 
lates this three millions of burden. 1 fear it is, to 
use hid own words, a "want of accurate knowledge 
' of all the facts renders it impossible to determine pre- 
' cisely the effect which our revenue system produces." 

I should be glad to sec tliese "lacts" stated. I 
suspect my colleague is as much mistaken in this 
calculation as he is in the number of fu^-itive slaves 
escaping from a "few counties in Maryland." He 
said, "a few counties in ftlaryland had, within six 
' months, upon computation, lost one hundred 
thousand dollars' worth." 

He is surely mistaken. A Senator from South Car- 
olina (Mr. Butler) said that "thirty thousand 
' dollars' worth of slaves were stolen from Ken- 
' tucky annually;" and he added, "the loss to the 
' people of the sluveholding States may be estimated 
' at two hundred thousand dollars annually." 
Whose computation is right.'' And my colleague 
says Delaware loses "one liundred thousand dollars' 
' worth of slaves each year." ftly colleague makes 
the loss of a "few counties in Maryland," and the 
los3 of the State of Delaware, as great as Mr. But- 
ler thinks is the loss of the "slavehokling States;" 
and yet the members from Kentucky, Delaware and 
Maryland, do not threaten to dissolve the Union. 

But the complaint is, a small amount of money 
is expended at the South. * * * Whose fault 
is this ? 

Mr. Tyler vetoed a bill that contained an appro- 
priation of twenty thousand dollars for the improve- 
ment of Cape Fear river. And when Congress 
made an appropriation of fifty thousand dollars for 
opening Roanoke inlet, on the coast of North Caro- 
lina, Mr. Tyler pocketed the bill. Is this aggres- 
sion.' It was an outrage, and well-becoming a 
strict constructionist of the school of '98 and '99. 
This is a work of inestimable value to a large por- 
tion of my State. I hope to live to see it perfected. 
The people in mine and my colleague's (Mr. Out- 
law's) district will soon hold a convention relative 
to this subject — a convention, not to dissolve the 
Union, but to open a communication by which we 



can reach New York by steam in a few hours — tO' 
facilitate our intercotirse, and bind us together in- 
dissolubly. Virginia politicians have opposed this 
work, and will oppose it. Open this coinnmnica- 
tion, and, in the event of domestic rebellion, we 
should speedily have thousands of New Yorkers — 
with whom our intercourse is now so frequent and 
so friendly — brought on the wings of steam, ready 
to stand by us. 

Let not gentlemen complain of the North ou this 
score. When/hese internal improvement questions 
arise I will promise to bring ten, yes, twenty 
Whigs or Dciuocrats, from the North or West, for 
any southern Democrat my colleague will find. 

My colleague, when speaking of the possibility 
of a dissolution, said: 

"Subjecting the goods of the North to a duty, with 
those from oi/ierforci^';a countries, icould at once give 
a powerful stimulus to our oivn manufaclurcs. We 
have already sufficient capital for the pvirpose. But 
if needed, it would come in from abroavi. English 
capitalists have filled Belgium with factories. Why 
did this occur? Simply because provisions were 
cheaper there and taxes lower than in England. 
The same motives would bring them into the south- 
ern country, since both the reasons as.-igned are 
much stronger in our case. It has already been 
proved that viccan manufacture .-:omc kinds of goods 
more cheaply than ihe North." 

What would the "free trade" geiituuien of the 
Soutii say to that? Would not Soutli Carolina be 
oppressed by that tariff law.'' 

But we are to have "English capital." England 
is too well satisficvl v.ith the tarifi'of '4C to lend us 
money to enable us to impose duties on "other for- 
eign countries." England! who forbid our fore- 
fathers to munufacture — who punishes any man 
who induces an artisan to leave her shores — lend 
us capital! In 1844, my colleague had "no reliance 
' on the sincerity of the British government." 
Then he said: "England, who had abolished slave- 
' ry in her West India islands, was seeking to in- 
' terfere with the institution in other countries." 
I do not believe our people will be in love with this 
idea. 

My colleague spoke of the "other acquisitions of 
' territory" to be made "after the next Presidential 
' election." 

I do not understand what this means. I hope he 
does not mean that w-e are to engage in foreign 
war again, as was intimated in the Baltimore con- 
vention by Mr. Hannegan — that we should annex 
Yucatan and Cuba. I thought the defeat of Gen- 
eral Cass had secured us from the dread of such 
horrid consequences. I advocated General Tay- 
lor's election upon the ground that he was opposed 
to foreign war. Are we to forbid New Mexico to 
become a free State if she prefers it."* How far are 
we to go before we consent to allow a free State to 
exist south of us.' Must we have "every man's 
land that adjoins our own?" 

There is but one other portion of my colleague's 
remarks to which I will advert : 

"Have not prominent northern politicians, of the 
highest positions and the greatest influence, whose 
names are loell known to all gentlemen on this floor, 
already declared that there is nothing in the Constitu- 
tion of tJie United States which obstrxicts or ought to 
obstruct the abolition of slavery by Congress in ihe 
Stales?" 

My colleague is better acquainted with politicians 
than I am. But I do not know any northern poli- 
tician who has avowed such an opinion. Even the 
Buffalo convention did not go that far. Again, he 
says : In twenty-five years, if we are surrounded 
by free States, the condition of the South would be 
" that of Ireland; and soon, by the destruction of 
' the remnants of the white population, become that 
' of St. Domingo." And he adds : " Northern men 
' not only admit it, but constantly in their public 
' speeches avow it to be their purpose to produce 



14 



"^ this very state of things." Sir, I must deny this. 
My collcasrue is gTeatly mistaken. Since I read 
his speech I have inquired, and I am proud to say I 
have been unable to learn when northern men, or 
one sing'le northern man, ever avowed so atrocious 
a sentiment. I can Iiear of no such man. Surely 
such a wretch never contaminated this place. 

I never heard of but one man so wicked as to 
think without horror of insum-ction in the southern 
States, and lie was a Van Burcn Democrat from 
Ohio, (Benjahin Tappan, former Senator.) 

My colleague spoke with contempt of those who 
uttered the " insane and senseless cry of Union, 
Union." He was "disgusted" at it. This disgust 
is but two years old. 

In December, 1S47, thus spoke my colleague: 

"It would be vain, however, for us on either side 
' to hope for such prosperity as we have hitherto 

* enjoyed. If the stream of our national existence 
^ should be divided, each branch must roll a dimin- 
' ished volume, and would be able only to bear a 
< lesser burden. Such a separation VvTOuld be the 
' saddest of all partings. We should feel that our 
' way was lonely, like thatof Hagar in the desert — 
' desolate as the wanderings of our first parents, 
■* when crime had just begxm," &c., &c. 

Very handsomely in the same strain: 

"We have a community of interest, which it 
' would seem that no party madness could break 
' up. We have, too, recollections of the past, 
-' which, to American feelings, a.'-c stronger even 
' than calculations of interest." 

This was neither insane nor senseless ; but ra- 
tional, and sensible, and well becoming a Repre- 
sentative of the old North State. 

A single word as to California. This will be a 
"test question." The "California proviso" one 
gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Inge) denounced. 
What is it but declaring- that the people of each 
State shall have a right to decide for themselves? 
We have liigh southern authority for this. Mr. 
Polk said, in his message, in 184S: "JVhether Con- 
gress shall legislate or not, the people of the acquired 
Territories, when assembled in convention to form 
State constitutions, luill possess the sole and exclusive 
power to determine for theynselves whether slavery shall 
or shall not exist xoithin their limits. If Congress shall 
abstainfrom interfering with the question, the people of 
these Territories will be left free to adjust it as they may 
think proper when they apply for admissio7i as States 
into the Union. No enactment of Congress could re- 
strain the people of any of the sovereign States of 
the Union, old or new. North or South, slavehokl- 
ing or non-slaveholding, from determining the 
character of their own domestic institutions as they 
may deem wise and proper. Any and all the 
States possess this right, and Congress cannot de- 
prive tiiem of it." 

In the southern address it is said: "Slavery is a 
•* domestic institution. It belongs to the States, each 
' for itself, to decide whether it shall be established 
■" or not; and, if it be established, whether it should 
' be abolished or not." 

The Southern address, also, in referring to the 
Missouri question in 1819, censures those who ad- 
vocate amendments "having for their object to make 
' it a condition of her admission that her constitu- 
' tion should have a provision to prohibit slavery." 

The address states: "Those who objected to the 

* amendments rested their opposition on the high 

* gi'ound of the right of self-government. They 

* claimed that a territory, having reached the period 
' when it is proper for it to form a constitution and 
' government for itself, becomes fully vested with 
' all the rights of self-government," &c., &c. 

The address argues further, that to assume that 
Congress had a right to require any thing but that 
the government must be republican, "would be 

* tantamount to the assumption of the right to make 
■• its entire constitution and government." 

I commend this address to those Democratic 



members who are talking of the "California pro- 
viso." 

I believe, Mr. Chairman, if we reject the applica- 
tion of California for admission as a State, it will be 
productive of the most calamitous consequences. 
It will raise a sectional feeling throughout this 
broad land that may never be allayed. I cannot 
vote against her admission for any reason I have 
yet heard. I do not see how any one can make her 
admission a "test oucstion," who does not wish to 
bring about a dissolution of the Union. As a south- 
ern man I want her admitted — the sooner the bet- 
ter. I advocated the election of our present Chief 
Magistrate, "not merely as a Whig, but as the 

' GREAT REPSESENTATIVE AND CHAMPION OF THE 
' PRINCIPLE OF THE RIGHT OF MAN TO SELF-GOVERN- 

' MENT." I will not consent to remand her: her 
people are, most of them, our own citizens. There 
might be danger of our compelling her to form a 
government without our aid. She will, I trust, 
soon be one of us. If no other southern man votes 
as I do, I will vote for the admission of California. 
Dead or alive, (as an Irishman said,) if I can get 
here, I will vote for her admission. 

A single word upon the question of Territorial 
governments. I see no plan better than that re- 
commended by the Presiclent, and I shall cordially 
support it. 

I have no time for much argument, but will only 
present a few questions and conclude. As a south- 
ern man I feel indignantat the instances of violated 
faith and disregard of constitutional obligations on 
the part of some of our northern States, relative to 
fugitive slaves. But I believe, from all I can see 
and hear, they will do us justice in this respect. 
But is a dissolution of the Union to remedy this 
evil.'' Will not a separation greatly increase it.'* 

If the Union is dissolved, v/iil Abolition societies 
be dead.^ Far from it. 

AVhat is to become of all the property ov/ned by 
the United States.-' — what of all the money in the 
hands of the disbursing oflQcers.' Where will all the 
office-holders go.'' There will be the voice of la- 
mentation heard in old Virginia that day! But, 
independent of all considerations of interest, I be- 
lie^•e the people of the Old Dominion are truly 
attached to the Union. They ought to be. Her 
sons have "ruled its destinies." They have had a 
full share of it5 honors and offices. Sir, I believe 
there are office-holders enough, natives of Virginia, 
to whip any army of disunionists that can be raised 
in the State. 

Why did not the southern Democracy, who now 
talk of disunion, take care to provide in the Oregon 
bill, and other bills containing the Wilmot proviso, 
when Mr. Polk was President, that slavery should 
exist south of a certain line.'' No, it might have 
disturbed tlie harmony of the party. 

Zachary Taylor is now President. That makes 
the difference. 

If by any aggressions on the part of the North — 
which I do not anticipate — this Union is to be dis- 
solved, I toll gentlemen North Carolina will form 
no part of a southern confederacy, whose ruling 
politicians entertain opinions like those avowed by 
some of the southern Democracy on this floor. We 
will build our great railroad, and before we become 
hewers of wood and drawers of water for Virginia 
and South Carolina, we will try, trusting in Provi- 
dence, to stand up, "solitary and alone." They 
would soon involve us in war on account of black 
sailors. North Carolina has not been treated by 
these sisters with kindness or respect. In 1842, 
South Carolina passed resolutions, and sent them 
here, reflecting very unbecomingly on North Caro- 
lina, and intimating that she was encouraging abo 
lition, because her people voted against Mr. Van 
Buren! Time has proved we were right. Vir- 
ginia but a few years since in her legislature, upon 
some question relating to railroads, was so dis- 
courteous to North Carolina as to call for a proper 



15 



but dig-tiified rebuke from our Governor Graham, 
in his message to our legislature. 

Besides, the general tone of the newspapers, and 
sometimes public speeches of gentlemen of those 
States, prove that they regard our people as infe- 
rior to theirs. No, sir; if we had a southern con- 
federacy, let North Carolina go as "Has-ar in the 
desert," rather than in company where'she would 
be regarded as an inferior. If Tennessee, our own 
Tennessee, our daughter, will join us, w^ can 
stand against the world in arms. No dissolution 
could separate us; we should continue as closely 
united as the Siamese twins. 

If North Carolina should join a southern confed- 
eracy with Virginia and South Carolina, her fate 
would be that of the dwarf who went to war in 
company with the giant. In one engagement, the 
dwarf lost a hand, and his companion coming to 
his relief, they carried the day. In the next, the 
dwarf lost an eye, but his companion aided him, 
and they were victorious. But the giant appropri- 
ated the spoils, and the dwarf's ^ai-e was glory 
and the honor of service with the giknt. We should 
not prove dwarfs in any contest; Gut our treatment 
after the battle was over would be like that of the 
dwarf. 

I have read recently in a newspaper that a plan 
has been made, if certain questions are not settled, 
to break up our organization, by resorting, if ne- 
cessary, to bowie-knives and pistols. I do not be- 
lieve it. I hope it is a slander. A part of the same 
slanderous story is, that one- fifth of the members 
of this House, having a right to call the yeas and 
nays, will continue to do so, and if that will not 
succeed, to resort to violence. It may sometimes 
be proper to defeat an attempt to force any mea- 
sure, without opportunity of debating it, in the 
manner referred to— calling yeas and°nays, &c.; 
but, as to resorting to violence, and attempt- 
ing to stop the wheels of Government by this 
means, I will not believe any man in his senses 
ever dreamed of it. But if such a wicked scheme 
were on foot, I have a remedy to propose. There 
are two hundred and thirty-one members of this 
House; one-third of these is seventy-seven— two- 
thirds, one hundred and fifty-four. Now, by the 
Constitution, two-thirds can e.xpel a member. If 
two-thirds of us do our duty, all will be well. A 
member's privilege protects him, no matter what 
he says here, but he might be arrested for a breach 
of the peace; and should any member here resort 
to violence for such purposes as are referred to in 
the newspapers, he will soon find himself where he 
ought to be — in the penitentiary. 

I advise all gentlemen who contemplate schemes 
of disunion, to read Burr's trial. They may find 
some valuable hints there; they may learn that a 
man may be guilty of treason, though he may not 
be corporeally present when the overt act is com- 
mitted. 

Mr. Ashe. Does my colleague mean that calling 
the yeas and nays is treason.? 

Mr. Stanly. No; I do that frequently myself; 
I refer to a newspaper statement of an organized 
plan to break up the Government by violence. 

A word or two now of the proposed Nashville 
convention. I see no necessity ot any such con- 
vention. I see great reason, since the late demon- 
stration of a Senator from South Carolina, (Mr. 
Calhoun,) why that convention should not meet, 
and ought not to meet. He said, in the southern 
address, "be united." Many of his own friends 
cannot go witli him in his proposition for amend- 
ing the Constitution. No one knows what the con- 
vention will or can do. The Wilmot proviso will 
not pass; thatisone " test question." There is no 
possibility a bill will be passed abolishing slavery 
in this District ; that, with some, is another " test 
question." Then as to fugitive slaves— let us see 
whether additional legislation will not be granted 
ihis session; and that ought to be a " test question" 



for those States who have lost fugitive slaves. Then 
as to the admission of California— as to what is 
called maliciously the Executive proviso— he who 
goes to the Nashville convention to produce opposi- 
tion to the Government on this account, is no friend 
of his country, and is in favor of disunion, no mat- 
ter what Congress does or refuses to do. 

Nashville, I should have thought, would have 
been the last place selected for the meeting of such 
a convention. Near that city is the grave of An- 
drew Jackson. I differed in opinion with this 
celebrated man, as to the propriety of some of his 
measures while he was President. But he won ray 
highest admiration, by his patriotic firmness in 
putting dov,-n nullification in 1833. His services to 
his country then threw into the shade, or rather 
added brightness to his military renown. And, if 
he had rendered no other service to his country, he 
would have been entitled to the lasting gratitude of 
his countrymen. 

When that convention meets, I suppose some 
Democrat will offer a resolution testifying the re- 
spect of that body for his memory. What will 
they say of his administration as President.? What 
of that admirable message of January 16th, 1833 — 
the last paragraph of which deserves to be printed 
in letters of gold. ' 

I think it would be an outrage upon the feelings 
of the people of this country— an insult to the 
memory of General Jackson, to allow that conven 
tion to meet in Nashville, to consider the propriety 
of dissolving the Union. 

I do not believe the people of Nashville will per 
mit it; and if that convention meets, and a propo- 
sition is made to consider even whether the Union 
ought not to be dissolved, I hope the citizens of 
Nashville will drive every traitor of them into the 
Cumberland river. 

If any of the good people of North Carolina have 
thought that it might be possibly proper for them 
to attend that convention, they will think better of 
it, I have no doubt, after they read the recent extra- 
ordinary speech of a Senator from South Carolina, 
(Mr. Calhoun.) In that speech he tells us, our 
government is "as absolute as that of the Autocrat 
' of Russia, and as despotic in its tendency as any 
' absolute government that ever existed." And 
then he tells us what no southern man has ever 
thought of before, that in addition to all that poli- 
ticians, public meetings, and State Legislatures 
have demanded, we must have, to save the Union, 
an amendment of the Constitution, "which will re- 
' store to the South, in substance, the power she 
' possessed of protecting herself before the equili- 
' brium between the sections was destroyed by the 
'action of this Government." Was ever a propo- 
sition more preposterous.? I have tried, since the 
speech was delivered, to ascertain what this pro- 
posed amendment is, and I cannot. Congress is to 
obey his suggestions, no matter what they are, to 
be communicated in his own time ! Sir, he asks 
impossibilities, and I am compelled to believe he 
asks them because he knows they are impossibili- 
ties. 

I have heard several speeches here containing 
ideas similar to some of those advanced in this 
speech; we have had little dribbling streams— the 
spring from whence they sprang is now exposed to 
view. 

Mr. Chairman, my honorable colleague before 
me (Mr. Venable) gave utterance to some opin- 
ions in his speech which I regret I have not time to 
reply to. I think my colleague's words are stronger 
than he intended. He says : " The bitter waters of 
' strife arc about to be substituted for the refreshing 
' streams of patriotic affection." I hope not. He 
wants no " waters of strife." It is not in his nature 
to enjoy them. 

I have time only to refer to one part of my col- 
league's speech, (Mr. Venable's.) He says: "The 
' South has kept faith with the North in all thino-s 



16 



' in which the covenant bound them." As far as 
North Carolina is the South, she has kept faith; but 
that is not so with all the South. 

I affree with my colleague that we have cause of 
complaint against some of the northern States, who 
have done outrage to the Constitution, and: treated 
us shamefully in regard to fugitive slaves. We 
have cause of complaint on account of their resolu- 
tions upon the subject of slavery. But some of my 
colleague's political associates forget that this Con- 
stitution was framed not only to protect southern 
property, but to encourage American labor. North 
as well Hs South. Have we had no warfare against 
the protective tariff? Yes, for more than twenty 
years. And when the compromise bill in 1833 was 
passed, the home valuation feature was inserted 
with the express purpose of giving protection to 
American manufactures. Yet wlien the compro- 
mise expired, some of our southern politicians vio- 
lently opposed the home valuation feature, and 
talked of a dissolution of the Union if the protective 
policy was revived. 

Sir, I knovs- better than my colleague, from my 
being on the seaboarti, the losses our people have 
sustained from fugitive slaves; and I believe the 
compromise act, which was passed to gratify or to 
.save from trouble a portion of the South, sacrificed 
as many niillions of dollars of northern property as 
the whole Soutli ever lost in thousands of dollars in 
fug-itive slaves. liut I will not dwell longer on my 
colleague's speech. He is an auuablc gentleman, 
very companionable, possessing no small literary 
acquirements. What Goldsmith said of his friend 
Hickey, I think, I can say of my colleague, (Mr. 
Venable:) 

" He chcrif-hed his friend, and relished his bumper. 
Yet one fault he had, and that was a thumper" — 

not only that of being an attorney — but my col- 
league is from one of the " double F V's"— a 
first family Virginia gentleman — a strict construc- 
tionist — republican — Democratof the school of " '98 
and '99" — and to expect any thing reasonable in 
politics from such a quarter, is most unreasonable. 

Mr. Chairman, I must conclude. I have spoken 
freely; I think the times require it. 1 have not in- 
tended to speak offensively to any gentleman in 
this House ; but I have spoken what I believe my 
duty to my country demanded, and I have spoken 
what I believed to be true. 

I have an abiding trust and confidence in the 
Ruler of nations, that he will nut suffer evil counsels 
to prevail among us. He, without whose knowledge 
not a sparrow talleth to the ground, will, I hope. 



preserve this country, that we shall continue to be 
an asylum to the oppressed of all lands. I believe 
that as hundreds of years will have rolled by, and 
generation after generation passed away, in the 
words of the great defender of the Constitution, 
(Mr. Webster,) "Liberty and Union, now and 
forever, one^nd inseparable," will continue to be 
a sentiment dear to every true American heart. 

Yes, I believe in a special Providence. Washing- 
ton was preserved through countless dangers, and 
in one battle had two hoi'ses shot under him. "The 
Great Spirit," as the Indian chief told him, preserved 
him from harm. 

He was called on, in peace, to put down rebellion 
and preserve the Union. 

Jackson, too, rendered great and important ser- 
vices to his country in war, and by his firmness in 
time of peace crushed the spirit of disunion during 
his administration. And when we remember the 
long and faithful service of the incorruptibly honest 
man, of the patriot soldier, now at the helm of state, 
— when we renumber how his life was spared, when 
in the midst of dangers his conduct has thrown a 
blaze of glory on the armsof his country, — who can 
doubt he will perform his duty to the Union — that, 
"whatever dangers may threaten it," he will "stand 
' by it and maintain it in its integrity, to the full 
' extent of the obligation imposed and the power 
' conferred upon him by the Constitution.^" His 
civil administration, I trust, will be so glorious that 
it will eclipse his military renown. 

Let the storm of party roll on; let politicians 
carry on their party manoeuvres; the hearts of the 
southern people are right. They arc watching our 
deliberations, in the hope that our measures will 
prove "salutary examples, not only to the present, 
' but to future times; and solemnly proclaim that 
' the Constitution and the laws are supreme, and 
' the Union indissoluble." They will say amen, in 
response to me, when I say, God grant the day may 
never come, when I shall behold a citizen of Califor- 
nia, Maine or Florida, and say "he is not my 
' countryman." 

Mr. Chairman, when the gallant Ethan Allen 
surprisetl Ticonderoga, and demanded of the com- 
mander that he should surrender the fort, he asked 
Allen "by what autiiority.'"' "I demand it," re- 
pHed Allen, "in the name ofthe great Jehovah, and 
of the Continental Congress." 

Invoking the protection of the great Jehovah, for 
our whole country, in the name of the people of 
North Carolina I sa}', this Union cannot be, shall 
not be destroyed. Those whom God hath joined 
together, no man or set of men can put asunder. 



Gideon & Co., Printers, Ninth street, Washington. 



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-"ays 407 8 



Holllnger Corp. 
pH8.5 



